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"John F. Kennedy School of Government"
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Terrorism and America
An evenhanded look at how democracies can fight terrorism while maintaining a healthy society.
eBook
Violence in urban America : mobilizing a response : summary of a conference
In this summary of a unique conference on urban violence, mayors, police chiefs, local, state, and federal agency experts, and researchers provide a wealth of practical ideas to combat violence in urban America. This book will be a valuable guide to concerned community residents as well as local officials in designing new approaches to the violence that afflicts America's cities.single copy, $12.95; 2-9 copies, $9.95 each; 10 or more copies, $6.95 each (no other discounts apply)
eBook
Corruption, Global Security, and World Order
Never before have world order and global security been threatened by so many destabilizing factors—from the collapse of macroeconomic stability to nuclear proliferation, terrorism, and tyranny. Corruption, Global Security, and World Order reveals corruption to be at the very center of these threats and proposes remedies such as positive leadership, enhanced transparency, tougher punishments, and enforceable sanctions. Although eliminating corruption is difficult, this book s careful prescriptions can reduce and contain threats to global security.
eBook
Making Washington work : tales of innovation in the federal government
Everybody knows federal agencies are brain-dead leviathans. Everybody knows that the watchword of federal management is \"that's the way we've always done it.\" Everybody knows that any creativity within American government shows up only in the cities and states. Everybody's wrong. In 1995 the Ford Foundation's annual \"Innovation in American Government\" award competition was opened up to federal candidates and a third of the winners since then have been federal institutions. This book profiles the 14 federal award winners from 1995 to 1998 and challenges the conventional wisdom about the federal bureaucracy's capacity to adapt. Examples include the Consumer Product Safety Commission, which figured out how to identify and act upon business and government's shared stake in keeping dangerous products out of consumers' hands; and the Wage and Hour inspectors in the Labor Department, who deployed market leverage to put pressure on the garment-industry scofflaws whose sweatshops had evaded conventional enforcement. The stories show how pressure, promises, and professional pride can galvanize federal managers and front-line workers to overcome what are admittedly imposing impediments to change, and persevere with new ways to deliver on their missions. And they illustrate the unfashionable truth that innovation is within Washington's repertoire after all. Copublished with the Council for Excellence in Government.
eBook
Mass Atrocity Crimes: Preventing Future Outrages
What can be done to combat genocide, ethnic cleansing, and other crimes against humanity? Why aren't current measures more effective? Is there hope for the future? These and other pressing questions surrounding human security are addressed head-on in this provocative and all-too-timely book. Millions of people, particularly in Africa, face daily the prospect of death at the hands of state or state-linked forces. Although officially both the United Nations and the African Union have adopted Responsibility to Protect\" (R2P) principles, atrocities continue. The tenets of R2P, recently cited in a UN Outcomes Document, make it clear that states have a primary responsibility to protect their citizens from genocide, war crimes, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity. When states cannot—or will not—protect their citizens, however, the international community must step into the breach.
eBook
Should the West Bail Out Gorbachev?; Yes, Targeted Aid Wouldn't Be Wasted
Joint environmental ventures. Radiation from Chernobyl fell on the East and West alike. The West can align itself with the march of history by leading a collaborative donation of Western technology to reduce the ongoing destruction of the Soviet - and our common - environment. The essence of such an agenda is to demonstrate in deeds the West's commitment to helping Mr. [Mikhail Gorbachev] transform the Soviet Union. Such initiatives could cost $10 billion to $15 billion a year. Split three ways, that would mean $5 billion each for the U.S., Europe and Japan. If that seems large, recall that U.S. taxpayers spent $150 billion last year to defend American security interests in Western Europe. Our Western European allies spent an equivalent amount. Managerial and technical training. The best argument in most Soviet policy circles today is ''that's the way Americans do it.'' Flying carpets bearing wise men for a weekend is not the solution. Soviet leaders and policy makers need informed, sustained collaboration with their Western counterparts if they are to tackle issues like the transition to a market economy, privatization of state enterprises, reform of industrial ministries and decolonization.
Newspaper Article
ELIMINATE PACS AND HELP ALL INVOLVED
Last month, the U.S. Senate banned PAC-giving in congressional races-but in the House, Speaker Thomas Foley declared the bill dead on arrival, thus assuring that the future of political action committees remains open to debate. So we watch and wait: Are PACs an unfortunate appendage to the modern political system or are they much maligned? The answer is yes to both questions. The PAC was started in the 1940s by organized labor as an honorable response to Republican money. If harnessed to forcible limitations and federal financing for presidential campaigns, PACs would, Common Cause insisted, usher in a golden era. PACs would be mellifluous and disarming, would dilute special-interest money influence, encourage small donors and provide salutary financial support similar to the United Fund's impact on charities. Wrong. Wrong because PACs grew in number so quickly they have all but supplanted the political parties. Spurred by artificially low limitations on individual giving, PACs became money geysers spouting support for multimillion-dollar TV commercial OK Corral shoot-outs. Now, always ready to tinker with a remedy for an earlier misconceived \"reform,\" the same Wertheimer who today heads Common Cause urges abolition of PACs. He will settle for sharply lessened PAC limits but insists on taxpayer-financed federal funding for congressional elections. That it would insulate incumbents in the present liberal Congress may not have escaped ex-liberal House staffer Wertheimer's attention.
Newspaper Article
CONANT OF HARVARD GODFATHER OF THE MANHATTAN PROJECT AND FOE OF THE H-BOMB
James Bryant Conant became president of Harvard in 1933, at the age of 40, and remained until 1953, when he left academic life to become U.S. high commissioner in Germany. During those two decades, Conant greatly broadened both the curriculum and the student body, transforming Harvard from a playpen of Boston Brahmins into one of the leading private universities in the world. A chemistry professor from across the tracks in Dorchester, Conant was a believer in meritocracy. Constantly embattled with the university's hidebound overseers, he fought to open Harvard, and the whole of American higher education, to students from diverse backgrounds. But being president of Harvard was only one of Conant's many jobs-a bully pulpit and a launching place from which he did the others-and when at last this reticent New Englander came, in his 70s, to write an autobiography, he called it \"My Several Lives,\" a title that does justice to the man's variousness. And that variousness is why James Hershberg, the author of this magnificent biography, has devoted nearly a thousand pages to his subject. Take the autumn of 1950. Under cover of Cold War secrecy, Conant had recently lost two epic battles. One was his attempt to dissuade President Truman from launching an all-out program to build the hydrogen bomb. Conant, who had declined Truman's offer to become chairman of the Atomic Energy Commission on its founding in 1946, opposed development of the hydrogen bomb in 1949-1950 on moral grounds: because, as then conceived, it was a weapon of infinite destructive capacity that could obliterate mankind. In the AEC's general advisory committee he led the argument with such fervor that he carried all eight voting members with him.
Newspaper Article
The Philippines: Aquino's uncertain return
CORAZON Aquino has just returned to the Philippines after her second official foreign visit. Local reac tion to her United States tour has been almost uniformly positive; even some of her most grudging critics cannot resist noting her American success.
Newspaper Article