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How do male-dominated populist radical right (PRR) parties relate to and influence norms around women’s political inclusion and leadership in mainstream political parties? While research has focused on describing the male dominance of PRR parties or its influence on mainstream political parties’ policies, particularly immigration, we know less about how PRR parties relate to norms on women’s inclusion or gender-balanced representation in mainstream parties. In a theory-building effort, we posit that PRR parties may seek to (a) adapt to mainstream parties’ norms and include more women in leading positions (positive contagion) or (b) negatively affect or even challenge norms around women’s inclusion in mainstream parties (adverse contagion). Seeking to theorize this relationship further, we explore leadership selection in the Swedish Parliament, where gender balance constitutes a strong norm. Yet, following the 2022 elections, the proportion of women parliamentary leaders dipped below 30% for the first time in decades. At the same time, the Sweden Democrats, a male-dominated PRR party, emerged as the second-largest party in Parliament. Drawing on interviews with nomination committees, party documents, and data on leadership, we empirically investigate continuity and change in committee leadership appointments in the Swedish Parliament and the role of the radical right in this process. We do not find signs of adverse contagion in the short run: as of 2023, norms promoting gender balance appear to remain robust and enjoy widespread support among mainstream parties. Yet, neither do we find signs of positive contagion where the radical right adapts to mainstream norms around gender balance.

A new app, Sukaribit, was designed to enable contact between the caregiver and the patient with the intent to improve self-care and glycemic control (hemoglobin A [HbA ]). This study investigated the feasibility of the study methodology and the intervention in preparation for a larger effectiveness study. Adults with type 2 diabetes were recruited in this randomized controlled feasibility study with a mixed methods design. The intervention group (n=28) tried Sukaribit for 2 months. They were encouraged to report blood glucose levels and medications, and they received feedback from a physician. The control group (n=31) received standard care. Both groups were evaluated with pre and postmeasurements of glycemic control (HbA ), diabetes distress, physical activity, and self-care. Feasibility was evaluated against 5 progression criteria regarding recruitment, study methods, and active participation. Of the 5 progression criteria, only 2 were met or partially met. The recruitment process exceeded expectations, and data collection worked well for self-reported data but not for HbA measured with a home testing kit. The participants were less active than anticipated, and the effect sizes were small. Only the number of blood glucose tests per day was positively affected by the intervention, with 0.6 more tests per day in the intervention group. Recruitment of participants to a future fully powered study may work with minor adjustments. The collection of HbA using home testing constituted a major problem, and an alternative strategy is warranted. Finally, the app was not used as intended. In order to proceed with a larger study, the app and study procedures need improvement.

Women’s access to political leadership positions has increased greatly in recent decades, which calls for research concerning the conditions of women’s political leadership in more gender-balanced contexts. This article responds to this need by exploring the leadership ideals, evaluations, and treatment of men and women leaders in the numerically gender-equal Swedish parliament (the Riksdag). Drawing on interviews with almost all the current top political leaders in the Swedish parliament, along with an original survey of Swedish members of parliament, we reveal a mainly feminine-coded parliamentary leadership ideal that should be more appropriate for women leaders. Masculine practices remain, however, and women leaders continue to be disadvantaged. To explain this anomaly between ideals and practices, we argue that a feminist institutionalist perspective, which emphasizes how gender shapes a given context in multiple ways, contributes to a more comprehensive understanding of the conditions for women’s political leadership than that provided by the widely employed role congruity theory.

Women’s political representation has increased rapidly in the past few decades, but significant barriers continue to circumscribe women’s political participation in a myriad of ways. Previous research has indicated that online abuse constitutes one such obstacle. Yet, only a small number of studies have systematically examined and compared the experiences of online abuse of men and women politicians. We argue that it is not enough to merely state that online abuse is gendered if we wish to understand and tackle such abuse: it is essential to know how it is gendered. In this article we conceptualize gendered online abuse in terms of three dimensions—frequency, character, and consequences—so that we can provide a more comprehensive empirical understanding of its prevalence. Using original survey data and interviews with a large number of Swedish MPs, we demonstrate the merit of unpacking the concept of such abuse in respect to different analytical dimensions. We find all three dimensions to be gendered in the Swedish context but in different and sometimes unexpected ways. Although women do not experience a higher frequency of online abuse than men, the character of the abuse is gendered insofar as women MPs are subjected to more sexualized and gendered harassment. We also find that men exposed to high levels of online abuse seem slightly more inclined to leave politics, whereas women report that they feel that their personal agency is circumscribed to a greater extent.

Purpose>The purpose of this paper is to identify sensing, seizing and reconfiguring routines of dynamic capabilities that enable digital transformation in firms.Design/methodology/approach>A qualitative approach is used. Representatives from a firm going through digital transformations are interviewed, and focus groups have been carried out with a consultancy firm experienced in giving advice to firms going through digital transformation.Findings>Six routines identified as relevant specifically for digital transformation are identified. These are cross-industrial digital sensing, inside-out digital infrastructure sensing, digital strategy development, determination of enterprise boundaries, decomposition of digital transformation into specified projects and creation of a unified digital infrastructure.Practical implications>The authors provide direction for managers on how to approach digital transformation. In relation to previous research, the authors provide more specific guidance regarding how to reconfigure the organization in digital transformation.Originality/value>The paper uses a novel context for digital transformation and complements the very few studies available using dynamic capabilities to understand digital transformation.

Do men and women legislators have equal opportunities to carry out their parliamentary duties? An important first step to uncover the parliament’s inner life is to evaluate members of parliament’s (MPs) experiences of their work environment. In this article, we explore the Swedish parliament where women have held over 40% of the seats for two decades to test the persistence of gendered norms and practices. Using a new survey dataset of 279 Swedish MPs (82% response rate), we find that female MPs experience greater pressure, higher levels of anxiety, and are subject to more negative treatment than male MPs. Yet, while men and women report participating in debates and influencing their political party’s agenda to the same degree, we conclude that the Parliament’s working environment remains gendered in that women pay a higher personal cost for their political engagement.

Despite the popularity of electoral gender quotas, the substantive impact of quotas on the plenary behavior of members of parliament (MPs) has yet to be thoroughly empirically explored, and in particular, there is a dearth of evidence from non-Western cases. Here we create a unique content analysis dataset from 14 years (1998–2011) of plenary debates, including the contents of more than 150,000 unique MP speeches recorded in some 40,000 pages of the Ugandan parliamentary Hansard to test how MP characteristics affect patterns of gender-related legislative speech. We find that female MPs speak about issues related to women's interests significantly more than male MPs. Further, we find no evidence of significant differences between female MPs elected with and without quotas, suggesting that, in the Ugandan case, gender is a more salient predictor of the tendency to “speak for women” than electoral pathway. To our knowledge, this is the first study that examines the effectiveness of quotas in promoting women's substantive representation in parliamentary debates across all policy domains over a significant time period. We discuss the implications of these findings in the Ugandan context, as well as how our evidence speaks to substantive representation through reserved seat quotas in semi-authoritarian regimes more broadly.

Employing a before-and-after comparison, this article exploits a reform of the Ugandan quota law to test if a change in election procedures affects the types of women elected through quotas. In Uganda, a change from indirect to direct elections was anticipated to bring in women who were more representative of female citizens at large and less loyal to the sitting regime. Using original data from 1296 biographies of Ugandan legislators spanning four mandate periods (1996–2016), this study shows that women elected before and after the 2006 reform are similar in most regards. Yet, compared with the indirectly elected women, women elected by universal suffrage in 2006 have higher levels of education and are less likely to report an interest in women's issues. Comparisons with non-quota representatives suggest, however, that these trends are not due to the change to direct elections, but rather the effect of something that influences all legislators in a similar manner. Employant une comparaison de situation avant et après, cet article utilise une réforme de la loi ougandaise sur les quotas pour tester si un changement dans les procédures d'élection affecte les types de femmes élues grâce aux quotas. En Ouganda, un changement électoral en faveur d'élections directes avait prévu l'arrivée de femmes plus représentatives des citoyennes au sens large et moins affidées au régime en place. En utilisant les données originales de 1296 biographies de parlementaires ougandais sur quatre mandats (1996-2016), cette étude montre que les femmes élues avant et après la réforme de 2006 sont semblables à bien des égards. Pourtant, par rapport à celles élues au suffrage indirect, les femmes élues au suffrage universel en 2006 bénéficient d'une éducation plus élevée et sont moins susceptibles de déclarer s'intéresser aux enjeux afférents à la condition féminine. Les comparaisons avec les représentants hors quota suggèrent cependant que ces tendances ne sont pas dues à la variation apportée par les élections directes, mais plutôt à un effet influençant tous les députés de la même manière. Utilizando una comparación pre y post facto, este articulo explora una reforma a la ley de cuotas de Uganda para probar sí un cambio en los procedimientos electorales afecta al tipo de mujeres que son electas mediante cuotas. En Uganda, el cambio de elecciones indirectas a directas, suponía que implicaría el cambio hacia una mayor representación de mujeres provenientes de la ciudadanía en general y una disminución de mujeres leales al régimen vigente. Usando datos originales de 1296 biografías de legisladores Ugandeses, abarcando cuatro periodos de mandato (1996-2016), este estudio muestra que las mujeres electas antes y después de la reforma de 2006 son similares en la mayoría de los aspectos. Sin embargo, en comparación con las mujeres elegidas indirectamente, las mujeres electas mediante sufragio universal en 2006 tienes niveles de educación más altos y tienden a ser menos propensas a mostrar un interés en los temas de las mujeres. Las comparaciones con los representantes electos fuera del sistema de cuotas sugieren, sin embargo, que estas tendencias no se deben al cambio en las elecciones directas, sino más bien al efecto de un factor que influencia a todos los legisladores de una manera similar.

Symptoms after second-degree tears and in particular episiotomies are common. Our aim was to investigate the prevalence and degree of dyspareunia and level of satisfaction with the outcome of the perineal repair after a spontaneous second-degree tear compared to an episiotomy. Further, we aimed to identify risk factors for dyspareunia and dissatisfaction with the outcome. This register-based cohort study included 5 328 primiparous women who sustained a spontaneous second-degree tear (n = 4 323) or an episiotomy (n = 1005) between 2014 and 2019 in Sweden. The primary outcomes were self-reported degree of dyspareunia and level of satisfaction with the outcome of the perineal repair at one year. Data were collected from national health and quality registers and online questionnaires at eight weeks and one year. Logistic regression was used and results are presented by Odds Ratios (OR) with 95% confidence intervals (CI) after adjustment for age, body mass index and mode of delivery. 30.0% of women with a spontaneous tear and 29.1% of women with an episiotomy reported mild or moderate dyspareunia, while 2.4% of women with a spontaneous tear compared to 3.8% of women with an episiotomy reported strong or unbearable dyspareunia (aOR 1.5; CI 0.9-2.4). 73.4% of women with a spontaneous tear and 67.1% with episiotomy were satisfied or very satisfied with their outcome, while 6.7% with an episiotomy compared to 3.7% with a spontaneous tear were dissatisfied (aOR 1.8; CI 1.2-2.6). Postpartum infection, scar dehiscence, re-suturing and perineal pain at eight weeks were risk factors for dyspareunia and dissatisfaction at one year. Approximately one-third of women with either a spontaneous tear or an episiotomy reported mild or moderate dyspareunia at one year, while strong or unbearable pain was uncommon in both groups. The majority of women were satisfied or very satisfied with the outcome although episiotomy more often predicted dissatisfaction.

The objective of the present study was to evaluate effectiveness, complications and cost-effectiveness of any surgical or non-surgical treatment for radius or ulna fractures in elderly patients. Secondary objectives were to analyze present treatment traditions of distal radius fractures (DRF) in Sweden and to calculate resource usage for its treatment. The assessment contains a systematic review of clinical and health economic studies comparing treatment options for radius or ulna fractures. The results regarding the effectiveness of the treatments are summarized in meta-analyses. In addition, the assessment contains a cost analysis for different treatment options commonly used for DRF care, and an analysis of registry data on the incidence and treatment of DRF. In total 31 randomized controlled trials were included in meta-analyses. When comparing functional outcome for plate fixation versus non-surgical treatment for DRF, there were no clinically important differences at one-year follow-up (mean difference [MD], -3.29, 95% CI, -7.03; 0.44). Similar results were found when comparing plating and percutaneous methods with respect to functional outcome (standardized mean difference [SMD], -0.07, 95% CI, -0.21; 0.07) and grip strength (MD, -3.47, 95% CI, -11.21; 4.28). There were no differences for minor complications, (risk difference [RD], -0.01, 95% CI, -0.07; 0.05) whereas major complications were less common for the percutaneous group, (RD, 0.02, 95% CI, 0.02; 0.03). Given the low number of studies, the evidence above was rated as moderate certainty. The cost for plate fixation versus plaster cast was estimated to 1698 compared to 137 US dollars. For DRF, plate fixation increased in Sweden between 2005 and 2013, and was the most common surgical method in 2013. Surgical treatment of moderately displaced distal radius fractures in elderly patients offers no clear benefit compared to non-surgical treatment. Plating procedures have become more common during the second millennium and involve higher costs and higher risk of major complications than percutaneous options.