Explore the vast range of titles available.

Bird argues that the playwrights, their productions, and their texts express the contradictory relations within these forms of feminism: on the one hand they represent women's social and political emancipation and, on the other, they affirm patriarchal structures and the status quo. Implicitly, this study calls into question what traditionally constitutes drama by treating plays written in non-canonical forms, mounted in nonprofessional venues, and published by marginal presses or not at all as important literary, theatrical, and historical documents.

Bird argues that the playwrights, their productions, and their texts express the contradictory relations within these forms of feminism: on the one hand they represent women's social and political emancipation and, on the other, they affirm patriarchal structures and the status quo. Implicitly, this study calls into question what traditionally constitutes drama by treating plays written in non-canonical forms, mounted in nonprofessional venues, and published by marginal presses or not at all as important literary, theatrical, and historical documents.

Sarah Anne Curzon, poet, journalist, editor, playwright (b at Birmingham, England c 1833; d at Toronto 1898). The daughter of George Philips Vincent, a glass manufacturer of the provincial English middle class, she enjoyed a ladies-school education and private tutoring.

The “mock parliament” was a type of agitprop — art with explicit political messaging — such productions were written to raise money and generate sympathy for women’s suffrage.

Sarah Anne Curzon, poète, journaliste, rédactrice, dramaturge (Birmingham, Angleterre, vers 1833 -- Toronto, 1898).

Le « simulacre de parlement » est une contribution toute canadienne aux luttes et campagnes visant l’obtention du droit de vote. Ces productions constituent une sorte d’agit-prop – de l’art accompagné d’un message politique explicite – et sont écrites dans le but de recueillir des fonds et de gagner des appuis pour le droit de vote des femmes.

The biography of Kate Simpson Hayes, perhaps more than anything she wrote, testifies to her liberal feminist conviction that women were the social equals of men. She lived independently, forged a high-profile career, achieved substantial literary and dramatic recognition, and participated in the professionalization of women journalists and women’s suffrage. But Hayes’s work was also informed by the more conservative politics of Social Purity. Like Social Gospel, Social Purity was a fundamentally religious and nationalist movement that aimed to Christianize the social order. This “remoralization,” as Valverde calls it, focused particularly on the control of sexuality (Valverde 17). The ideology

The clearest admission of Sarah Anne Curzon’s commitment to liberal feminism came in a paper she read before the Wentworth Historical Society in 1891, when she declared: “For twenty years I have been upholding the doctrine of the equal rights of woman as a human being” (106). Perhaps the most radical of all political positions within the late nineteenth-century woman movement, liberal feminism, or “equality feminism,” as it was then called, was concerned with social justice for women, especially the access of women to political representation and post-secondary education (Prentice et al., Isted. 169). Although some proponents argued the