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This paper examines gender differences in paid work over time and illustrates the pitfalls encountered by any comparative research that only considers either labor force participation rates or average working hours. To do so, we analyze harmonized survey data from Europe and the United States from 1992 to 2022 (N = 43,283,172) and show that more progress was made in closing gender gaps in labor force participation rates than in working hours. In most countries, women’s labor force participation rates increased considerably, but their average working hours decreased, whereas both men’s labor force participation rates and average working hours decreased or stagnated (but nonetheless still remained much higher than women’s). We show and argue that these countervailing trends in working hours and labor force participation rates make it difficult to paint a coherent picture of cross-national differences in women’s and men’s paid work and of changes over time. In response, we propose “work volume” as a supplementary or alternative measure for any type of comparative research. Work volume records zero working hours for nonemployed individuals and thus allows straightforward comparisons between women’s and men’s (or any other groups’) involvement in paid work. Using the proposed work volume measure, we show that gender gaps in paid work decreased over time, but that even in 2022, men’s involvement in paid work remained considerably higher than women’s—with gender gaps being lowest in the Scandinavian and the former Communist countries.

Are women and men judged for breaking gender norms in the context of heterosexual marriage? Using the case of marital name choice, the author compared the effect of gender-conventional choices (woman takes man’s surname) to gender-egalitarian choices (both partners keep or hyphenate their surnames) on the perceived quality of heterosexual women and men as romantic partners. Relying on a survey experiment ( n = 501), the author found that U.S. respondents perceived women who kept their surnames and women who shared hyphenated surnames with their husbands to be less committed and loving and to conform less to respondents’ image of the ideal wife than women who changed their names. These results show that gender-norm violations, not preferences for a shared spousal surname, explain the marital name penalty. Men in norm-breaking couples were also judged, albeit not as harshly as women, suggesting that there are contexts in which women are granted less gender flexibility than men.

To address women’s underrepresentation in high-status positions, many organizations have committed to gender equality. But is women’s professional success viewed less positively when organizations commit to women’s advancement? Do equality commitments have positive effects on evaluations of successful men? We fielded a survey experiment with a national probability sample in Germany (N = 3229) that varied employees’ gender and their organization’s commitment to equality. Respondents read about a recently promoted employee and rated how decisive of a role they thought intelligence and effort played in getting the employee promoted from 1 “Not at all decisive” to 7 “Very decisive” and the fairness of the promotion from 1 “Very unfair” to 7 “Very fair.” When organizations committed to women’s advancement rather than uniform performance standards, people believed intelligence and effort were less decisive in women’s promotions, but that intelligence was more decisive in men’s promotions. People viewed women’s promotions as least fair and men’s as most fair in organizations committed to women’s advancement. However, women’s promotions were still viewed more positively than men’s in all conditions and on all outcomes, suggesting people believed that organizations had double standards for success that required women to be smarter and work harder to be promoted, especially in organizations that did not make equality commitments.

Objective The aim of this study is to compare public opinion regarding single and same‐sex parents. Background Comparing attitudes about the effectiveness of single‐parents to same‐sex parents shows how much importance the public places on the number of parents compared to the sex of the parents; however, surprisingly little research examines attitudes about single and same‐sex parenting ability. Method We use data from the 2012 General Social Survey “Family‐and‐Changing‐Gender‐Roles” module (N ~ 1200) to compare perceptions of the effectiveness of single parents (vs. two parents) and same‐sex parents (vs. a mother and a father). We construct a measure that captures whether individuals hold more positive attitudes about single parents or same‐sex parents. We then rely on multivariate models to examine the impact of sociodemographic characteristics on these perceptions, and explore the influence of attitudes regarding gender, sexuality, and childcare policy. Results Approximately half of the respondents provided similarly positive or negative responses regarding the effectiveness of single and same‐sex parents; of the remaining half, slightly more provided higher ratings to single parents. Several sociodemographic factors—gender, age, marital status, region, and sexual minority status—significantly shape attitudes about same‐sex and single parents in similar directions—although, in some cases, these factors also predict differences in these attitudes. For example, compared to men, women are more positive about both single parents and same‐sex parents, but they still rate single parents higher. In contrast, other sociodemographic factors—notably, race/ethnicity and education—predict attitudes about same‐sex and single parents, as well as the difference between these two parental types. Some of these patterns occur via respondents' religiosity. Of the attitudinal factors, attitudes regarding gender, sexuality, and childcare policy are linked to views regarding single parents and same‐sex parents; however, only sexuality attitudes significantly and consistently differentiate views regarding single parents and same‐sex parents. Conclusion Views of single parents and same‐sex parents often are not consistent with each other. Public assessments and comparisons of same‐sex and single parents are shaped by sociodemographic and attitudinal factors, notably, attitudes regarding sexuality.

The purpose of the current study is to understand the dynamic processes of fatal attacks against lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) individuals across different situational circumstances. Recent scholarship has begun to identify the heterogeneous nature of anti-LGBT homicides, including possible differences in how victims are targeted by offenders. However, several limitations of prior research have stunted the systematic examination of these circumstances. Few studies, for instance, have disaggregated by crime type and bias type, thus masking unique patterns and causal processes associated with varying types of anti-LGBT homicide events. Others have relied on official data sources whose validity and reliability remain questionable. The current research overcomes these limitations by utilizing data collected from an open-source database known as the Extremist Homicide Project (EHP) on a population of anti-LGBT homicides from 1990 to 2010. A preliminary review of anecdotal evidence, studies of anti-LGBT violence, and a close reading of select homicide case open-source materials leads to the creation of a five-part typology of anti-LGBT homicides based on offender mode of victim selection. This study utilizes a mixed-method design, beginning with multivariate and bivariate analyses to identify similarities and differences across anti-LGBT homicide categories and subcategories. Quantitative findings are used to identify five anti-LGBT homicides for supplemental case studies, which represent each homicide subcategory. Guided by symbolic interactionism and theories of masculinity, the purpose of each case study is to examine how key distinguishing characteristics operate together before, during, and after violent transactions within particular social contexts to affect lethal outcomes. The second purpose of the case studies is to examine the applicability of theories of masculinity and violence for explaining anti-LGBT homicides across different modes of victim selection.

Women are no longer legally required to take their spouses’ names and men are given the option to change theirs, so why do 87 percent of heterosexual women still change their surnames to their husbands’ names at marriage? Based on the doing gender perspective, I argue the public will construct women’s and men’s femininity and masculinity based on their marital name choices and hold them accountable for breaking norms. I conduct three survey experiments to examine whether, and how, women and men are penalized when they break marital name traditions. Because theories of gender accountability and behavioral attributions suggest certain groups may not be asked to account or may be able to provide socially acceptable explanations for breaking norms, I examine whether marital name norms are unevenly enforced based on family income, women’s earnings relative to their husbands, and women’s explanations for their marital name choices.Results show women who keep or hyphenate their names, the men they marry, and men who hyphenate or change their own names are socially penalized relative to their conventional counterparts. The nature of the judgement of women and men varies. Women that make unconventional name choices face likability, devotion, hostility, and desirability penalties. Norm-breaking men face status consequences from men respondents, and desirability penalties from women respondents. However, the context in which marital name choices are made shapes the extent to which women and men are judged for their choices. When women link their choice to their economic situation, they face less scrutiny, though all women are penalized to some extent. Specifically, women respondents judge individuals from lower-income couples more harshly, but men respondents judge norm-breakers regardless of their economic resources. Women and men respondents view women who attribute their choice to keep their names to personal preferences as less desirable and less likable, but not women attribute their choice to situational factors. Relative income does not substantively change the effects of unconventional marital name choices. I argue the consequences women and men face for breaking marital name norms may push women and men to follow unequal gender norms, regardless of their preferences.

In development, biomechanical forces provide shape to internal organs. Failure of tissues to respond correctly to biomechanical forces can cause deformation and disease later in life. We characterized a previously unreported biomechanical force in C. elegans embryos, caused by the developing foregut (pharynx) pulling against the anterior epidermis. Embryos and larvae that are doubly mutant for mec-8; sym-3 or mec-8; sym-4 have defective anterior morphology. This phenotype is called the Pharynx Ingressed or Pin phenotype. MEC-8 is in a parallel pathway with two conserved proteins, SYM-3/FAM102B and SYM-4/WDR44, which localize to vesicles at or near the plasma membrane. Our data indicate that SYM-3 and SYM-4 function with RAB-11, a GTPase known to regulate endocytic recycling and exocytosis. MEC-8 alternatively splices fbn-1, a ZP domain aECM protein that specifically acts within the epidermis to prevent deformation by pulling/constricting forces. We have begun work to characterize the other proteins that compose the aECM, which includes other ZP proteins, EGF-repeat proteins, and eLRRon proteins. The embryonic aECM is critically important in preventing mechanical deformation of the epidermis. In addition to these proteins, integrins, cytoskeletal proteins, and polarity proteins also play roles in this genetic network. The integrins were shown to be critical for proper molting as well as having a role in epidermal structural integrity. We have identified a novel network that is required to maintain epidermal architecture in response to a variety of biomechanical forces during embryogenesis, and have identified FBN-1 as a protein component of the embryonic sheath that prevents deformation of embryos by mechanical forces.

A new warning that comes as a surprise

The CCS was built into the Owens Cornings' \"20 Keys\" - an operational roadmap designed to measure improvement in the 20 areas the company determined to be critical to operational success. It's the standard by which all leaders are expected to manage communication.