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Alternations involving place-changing palatalization (e.g. t+j → ʧ in spirit – spiritual) are very common and have been a focus of much generative phonological work since Chomsky & Halle’s (1968) ‘Sound Pattern of English’. The interest in palatalization and its mechanisms (see e.g. Sagey 1990; Chen 1996; Bateman 2007) has somewhat obscured the question of how these processes fit into a wider typology of segmental alternations. What happens when palatalization fails to apply? Do other processes take its place and apply under the same circumstances? In this paper, I argue for a close functional and formal affinity between place-changing palatalization and one such process, palatal glide strengthening (e.g. p+j → pc). As evidence I present data from Kirundi (Bantu) on the realization of consonant + palatal and velar glide sequences within and across morphemes. As will be shown, palatalization and glide strengthening in Kirundi work in parallel, affecting different subsets of consonants. Specifically, palatalization targets C+j sequences with laryngeals, velars, nasal coronals, and – across morpheme boundaries – non-nasal coronals. In contrast, glide strengthening targets C+j sequences with labials and – within morphemes – non-nasal coronals. In addition, glide strengthening applies to within- and across-morpheme consonant + velar glide sequences, producing a set of outputs (e.g. m+w → mŋ) similar to C+j sequences. I further present a unified Optimality Theoretic (Prince & Smolensky 1993/2004) account of these seemingly disparate phenomena as both arising from different rankings of constraints prohibiting consonant + glide sequences (parameterized by place and/or manner) and various feature-specific agreement and faithfulness constraints. Finally, I explore typological predictions of this account, reviewing several remarkably similar cases of C + glide resolution patterns from other languages, and outlining questions for further research on consonant-vowel/glide interactions. This article is part of the special collection:  Palatalization  

While both French and Spanish have complex onsets, the languages differ in the variety and distribution of clusters allowed as well as in the realization of voiced stops. The present study examines the effects of C1 voicing, place of articulation, and language on the production of word-initial /pl bl kl gl/ using a combination of electropalatographic (C1 and C2 linguopalatal contact and timing) and acoustic measures (duration and relative intensity) from 4 French and 7 Spanish speakers. Certain between-language similarities and differences in the effects of voicing and place on intergestural timing were observed. In particular, (1) both languages showed more overlap in clusters where C1 was velar rather than labial; (2) the effect of voicing (more overlap in clusters with a voiced C1) was restricted to French; and (3) lateral duration was unaffected by C1 place or voicing, while C1 duration was strongly affected by stress and voicing in Spanish alone given the approximantization of voiced stops. These results contribute to a better understanding of the general mechanisms and language-specific patterns of intergestural coordination in onset clusters and add to the growing body of articulatory work on these complex structures in Romance languages.

The production of fricatives involves the complex interaction of articulatory constraints resulting from the formation of the appropriate oral constriction, the control of airflow through the constriction so as to achieve frication and, in the case of voiced fricatives, the maintenance of glottal oscillation by attending to transglottal pressure. To better understand this mechanism in a relatively understudied language, we explore the articulatory characteristics of five pairs of plain and palatalized Romanian fricatives produced by 10 native speakers using ultrasound imaging. Our analysis includes an assessment of the robustness of the plain-palatalized contrast at different places of articulation, a comparison of secondary palatalization with other relevant word-final [Ci] structures, and the identification of individual variation patterns. Since our study is the first to document the articulatory properties of secondary palatalization in Romanian, our findings are of descriptive interest.

Phonological patterning motivates a distinction between complex segments and segment sequences, although it has also been suggested that there might be reliable phonetic differences. We develop the hypothesis that, in addition to their distinct phonological patterning, complex segments differ from segment sequences in how constituent articulatory gestures are coordinated in time. Through computational simulation, we illustrate predictions that follow from hypothesised coordination differences, showing as well how coordination is conceptually independent of temporal duration. We test predictions with kinematic data collected using electromagnetic articulography. Electromagnetic articulography data comparing labial-palatal gestures in Russian, which we argue on the basis of phonological facts to constitute complex segments, and similar labial-palatal gestures in English, which we argue constitute segment sequences, show distinct patterns of coordination, providing robust support for our main hypothesis. At least in this case, gestural coordination conditions patterns of kinematic variation that clearly distinguish complex segments from segment sequences.

This paper presents the results of breeding and genetic studies of Raphanus sativus L. under the controlled conditions of the biopoligon of the Agrophysical Research Institute (St. Petersburg, Russia). The aim of this study was to create new R. sativus forms for controlled environments with artificial lightning (CEAL). An original technique for accelerated transgressive plant breeding was used. It is based on the methodology for predicting transgressions by economically valuable plant traits when evaluating breeding traits under controlled conditions. Using it in a short period of time (4–5 years) greatly increases productive accessions of small radish and radish adapted to light culture, and a set of valuable characteristics (resistance to bolting, glabrous leaves, compact leaf rosette) were obtained. The yield of roots of new forms was 4.30–4.98 kg/m2 (small radish) and 5.46–7.66 kg/m2 (radish) for the growing period. Transgression by root mass was observed in plants of three new forms and amounted to 40.7–63.0% in small radish and 40.3% in radish. The breeding of new genotypes of R. sativus is aimed at expanding the range of crops cultivated in plant factories, and ultimately, at a better and more balanced nutrition for the population.

First Published in 2002. Routledge is an imprint of Taylor & Francis, an informa company.

First Published in 2002. Routledge is an imprint of Taylor Francis, an informa company.

This study investigated acoustic properties of the four-way contrast in Russian voiceless sibilant fricatives (/s s j ʂ ʃ j /). Words with these consonants, occurring in a variety of phonetic contexts, were elicited from 10 Russian native speakers. Measurements were made of duration, centre of gravity (COG) and intensity of fricative noise, as well as of formants F1–F3 during the following vowel. The results revealed that the anterior vs. posterior contrast was clearly distinguished by COG throughout the frication period, and to a lesser degree by noise intensity. The palatalized vs. non-palatalized contrast was distinguished by F1 and (especially) F2 at the onset, the midpoint, and, in some cases, at the offset of the following vowel. The four-way contrast was thus well categorized by a combination of COG and F2–F1 differences. Fricative duration only marginally distinguished /ʃj/, commonly described as geminate, from the other consonants. Clear durational differences, however, were observed for the same consonants in different positional and stress contexts. Overall, the results of the study provide a systematic documentation of the typologically uncommon fricative contrast, while also shedding light on some facts of synchronic patterning and historical development of the fricative system of Russian.

Fifty cases of sound-symbolic expressive palatalization were collected in a typological survey of babytalk registers, diminutive constructions, and other sound-symbolic systems. Analysis of the typological trends and language-particular examples reveals important differences between expressive palatalization and phonologically motivated palatalization. To account for expressive palatalization, we propose a novel set of Express(X) constraints in OPTIMALITY THEORY. The integration of the Express(X) constraints with the rest of phonology is shown to explain the typological differences between expressive and phonological palatalization, account for the phonological extension of expressive palatalization, and constitute a general theoretical framework for sound-symbolic phonological patterns.*

First Published in 2002. Production, Perception and Phontactic Patterns presents the first experimental study of articulatory dynamics of Russian and of secondary articulents in general, with a special focus on the nature of positional markedness scales, one of the key concepts in the current phonological theory (Optimality Theory). Through a series of experiments the author questions the traditional assumption that positional markedness scales are directly encoded in Universal Grammar and provides an alternative account based on gestural recoverability. This study combines a sophisticated and in-depth analysis of language-particular phonetic detail with wide cross-linguistic generalisations and contributes to the increasingly influential body of research that investigates phonetic factors in the search for explanations of phonological universals.