Explore the vast range of titles available.

\"A compendium of recipes for desserts, including cakes, pies, tarts, fruit desserts, custards, soufflés, puddings, frozen treats, cookies, candies, and accompaniments, from noted pastry chef, cookbook author, and food blogger David Lebovitz\"-- Provided by publisher.

The *Rui Liangfu bi , a previously unattested Warring States manuscript held by Tsinghua University, purports to record two admonitory songs that Rui Liangfu (fl. ninth century bce ) presented to King Li (r. 853/57–841 bce ) and his derelict ministers at court. The genre identity of the manuscript text is contested, owing in part to two similar texts, a shi -poem preserved in the Odes and a shu -document in the Yi Zhou shu, also traditionally interpreted as Rui Liangfu’s speech at the same event. Although none of the three texts share anything literatim with one another, they all rhyme and cleave closely to a well-known legend. Proceeding from complete translation of the manuscript text, I show that it diverges significantly from the canonical categories thus far used to classify it, with regard to both prosody and theme. Moreover, a structural analysis reveals that the manuscript’s paratextual encapsulation demonstrates an early precedent for the explicit, historical contextualization of songs that became pervasive in the Mao Odes . On the basis of structure, the manuscript can also be classed with a set of verse collections known only in manuscript form, save for one “forgery” preserved in the ancient-script Documents . 清華大學收藏的⟪芮良夫毖⟫戰國寫本記錄者兩篇前所未見的韻文著作。據寫本所載的序文， 兩篇是西周大臣芮良夫（公元前9世紀）在朝廷上向周厲王（公元前853/57–841年在位）及其敗臣進獻的兩首勸諫歌。⟪詩經⟫和⟪逸周書⟫兩部傳世經書中，各保留著相似的一篇文本，而且此兩篇傳統歸功給芮良夫，被視為他在同一個場所所進獻的詩歌。儘管這三篇文本之間沒有任何逐字相同之處，但它們都押韻，並且緊密依附於一個眾所周知的傳說故事。本文從⟪芮良夫毖⟫整篇的翻譯出發，展示它在韻律、形式和主題上，與迄今用來分類寫作的經典類別有顯著的不同。此外，寫本被副文本（paratext）所包裝的結構，可以對⟪毛詩⟫普遍歷史化現象提供一個早期的先例。基於文本——副文本（text-paratext）結構分析，⟪芮良夫毖⟫還可以與一組韻文集歸類在一起，而這類文本，除了保存在古文⟪尚書⟫中的一篇「偽作」除外，只有兩篇在清華簡中的實例。

This essay was originally published in Chinese in the 1990s by the polymathic Hong Kong scholar Jao Tsung-i 饒宗頤 (1917–2018), and exemplifies a larger debate about the Tang origins and identity of the ci genre that unfolded between Jao and Ren Bantang 任半塘 (1897–1991) in the late 1980's and early 1990's. Jao emphasizes the continuity between the term ci 詞 and its referent, which may be either \"lyrics\" to a tune, generally speaking, or a specific ci-genre of poetry. He argues, moreover, that Tang ci, and in particular the poems of the Yunyao ji 雲謠集 (Cloud ballad collection) discovered in Dunhuang manuscripts, are an integral part of ci-genre history; poems made to tunes and called ci in the Tang are inseparable from the genre that flourished as a literati form in the Song, and ci poetics is thus rooted firmly in Tang history. Placing the vernacular Tang ci on equal footing with literati Song ci is corollary to a larger historiographic shift that wrests authority from transmitted texts (official histories, critical anthologies, elite textual traditions) as the sole legitimate historical sources, and empowers manuscript sources to rewrite history.

The Laozi is a well-loved and oft-translated ancient text, whose popularity with interpreters and translators seems to have hardly ebbed in over two thousand years. This is attested in part by the number of bamboo and silk manuscript versions of the text unearthed in recent years from the Warring States (475–221 b.c.e.) and Western Han (221–206 b.c.e.), such that few transmitted Chinese texts have so many corresponding manuscript versions. The Laozi's popularity and relative abundance have also made the text instrumental in shaping theoretical approaches to book formation in early Chinese manuscript culture. In particular, the Laozi has been central to the study of how books were assembled out of pre-existent, stable, coherent molecules of text, or zhang 章 (chapters). Emerging from a case study of Laozi chapter 13, in which interpretive problems of the written commentarial tradition are shown to be continuous with those in manuscript culture, this article re-examines the theory of molecular coherence in the Laozi's formation, showing ultimately that the textual and rhetorical patterns by which zhang cohere internally are created by the same forces that deposit zhang in proximity to one another. Moving from the molecular to organismic level, the article also examines the use of conjoining phrases in Peking University's Laozi manuscript to demonstrate how editors, compilers, and interpreters may sacrifice coherence at one level of organization to achieve perfection at another.

The unearthing of manuscript texts, especially in the last fifty years, has revolutionized the study of early Chinese civilization. Manuscripts, which bear previously unknown texts and unknown forms of known texts, have greatly destabilized our view of the textual canons that have defined the landscape of genre for two millennia. One preliminary way of understanding the precursors of canonical texts is as freely circulating zhang 章 (pericopes; chapters) that became disposed in compendia at random. Although this may partially account for forces at work in text formation, pericopes can also become appended with paratextual markers that guide their interpretation, categorization, and compilation. This dissertation seeks to shed light on these proto-commentarial features, and reconsider how texts and genres accreted and decayed in Chinese manuscript culture.To this end, I examine an array that includes known transmitted texts as well as manuscript texts of previously unknown structure and form. Controversies surround the genre identity of the manuscript texts, while the transmitted texts have been compiled separately in compendia associated with distinct genres. The dissertation’s series of experiments maintains controls of narrative and form: first, all the texts (as contextualized by commentary and paratext) function as sources for the legend of Rui Liangfu 芮良夫, a ninth century BCE noble who spoke out against the government of his contemporary King Li of Zhou 周厲王 (r. 853–842 BCE); second, all the texts, while differing in prosody and form, are written in tetrasyllabic verse.Following a general introduction to the dissertation’s problems and methods in chapter one, chapter two emerges from a philological study and translation of the *Rui Liangfu bi, a Warring States bamboo manuscript in the Tsinghua University corpus. Proceeding from disagreements about whether the text is a shu document or shi poem, I argue that the text’s content and form violates conventions of these genres, at least as these genres are known in transmission. Instead, I identify the texts as “verse albums” on the basis of text-paratext structures in several other manuscripts and one transmitted text. Verse albums function as micro-collections of thematically related literature, and come marked with interpretive paratext whose function is similar to prefaces and synopses found in transmitted canons.Chapter three examines the roots of a historicizing hermeneutic in the Shijing (Confucian Canon of Poetry), in part through the poem Sang rou (Mulberry Shoots) attributed to Rui Liangfu. Here, as with verse albums, I chart the traces of intentionality and proto-commentarial markers that seek to make poems into texts with fixed historical meanings, thus functioning like the narrative paratext found in verse albums of chapter two and the commentarial layers of later canons. Examining the conventions of suites of poems, and the tendency of historical poems to form thematically organized suites, I propose a model by which a historicizing hermeneutic might have spread chronologically and laterally, becoming pervasive in the Mao Shi.The fourth chapter is based on a philological reconstruction and translation of the Yi Zhou shu’s “Rui Liangfu” chapter. The critical translation employs received editions and a version of the chapter preserved only in Japanese manuscripts of the Qunshu zhiyao, a Tang-era encyclopedic compendium lost in China for centuries. In this study, I demonstrate that both versions of the text derive from similar editions; significant lacunae and errors in the two texts show that much of the damage arose in imperial times. Much of this is due to the delegitimization of the Yi Zhou shu, which has long been viewed as the leftovers that remained when Confucius redacted the Shang shu (Revered Documents) canon. While chapters two and three show how paratextual markers might aid a text’s organization and preservation in a collection, chapter four shows how the removal of an editor-figure can induce a text’s decay.The fifth and final chapter examines intertextual relations among the sources studied in chapters two through four. The texts share a great familiarity with a common legend of Rui Liangfu, yet they share almost no word-for-word text with one another. I propose that at least one of the texts results from historical confabulation—a broad and continuous effort to fill historical lacunae that were revealed by a new, systematizing discourse on the cultural forms (and genres) appropriate to remonstrance. I consider also the possibility that the reconstruction or alleged “forgery” of shu documents literature in early and medieval China stems from a similar historiographic impulse.