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Naming converts space to place. Place names are often the manifestation of military and political power. The victors write history and embed their culture and power in the landscape by naming and renaming places. In Canada’s Prairie West, after 1870, Aboriginal place names were submerged beneath a tide of British imperial nomenclature bestowed by major corporations. Agricultural immigrants from Europe found it difficult to mark their presence in the landscape by naming settlements, but school names were generally assigned locally. By naming schools, otherwise powerless groups from Eastern Europe marked their presence in the rural landscape. Naming or renaming them reflected the strength of community power, the community’s weltanschaaung , and fluctuations in the influence of the Anglophone elite. L’acte de nommer convertit l’espace en un lieu. Le nom des lieux (toponyme) sont souvent la manifestation du pouvoir politique et militaire. Les vainqueurs écrivent l’histoire et intègrent leur culture et pouvoir dans le paysage en nommant et en renommant des lieux. Après 1870, dans la région des Prairies de l’Ouest du Canada, les toponymes autochtones ont été submergés sous une marée de nomenclature impériale Britannique conférée par les grandes entreprises commerciales. Les immigrants agricoles en provenance d’Europe ont trouvé difficile de marquer leur présence dans le paysage en nommant des villages. Toutefois, cela n’était pas le cas pour le nom des écoles qui était généralement attribué localement. L’acte de nommer leurs écoles a permis à des groupes d’Europe de l’Est de marquer leur présence dans le paysage rural. Ainsi, nommer ou renommer les écoles reflète le pouvoir de la communauté, l’weltanschauung de la communauté, et les fluctuations de l’influence de l’élite anglophone.

The Manitoba Tree Press informed its readers, and the world, that Manitoba's \"balmy climate is inviting, warm and genial in summer,\" while minimizing the duration and severity of the cold winter.6 The Winnipeg Daily Sun noted that \"genial winds blow across the Northwest plains and warm them with the breath of summer. There was a widely held belief that planting trees on the open prairie would increase humidity and increase rainfall.11 The merit of tree planting to modify the climate and increase precipitation were discussed in the press in numerous opinion pieces.12 Planting trees as shelter beits, and close to dwellings to offer shade was a practical and sensible practice to create microclimates. The level-headed editor of the Canora Advertiser pointed out that the scale of the nat-ural system rendered it immune to effort to induce rain by bombarding the sky with dynamite, that, he thought, was akin to firing a pop-gun at the side of the latest dreadnought.25 More bizarre was a proposal advanced by \"the distinguished French scientist Professor Fouche\" to enhance the prairie climate by changing the effects of latitude on the earth's climate by placing a steel cable around the earth's circumference in the mid-latitudes, and adjusting the earth's axis of rotation through elec-tro-magnetic force! Initial reports of \"copious rain\" proved to be erroneous and the actual results were disappointing.29 Those with an interest in promoting settlement, principally the railway companies and the Dominion government, generally tried to present a positive spin on their descriptions of the prairie climate.

Between 1891 and 1914 thousands of Ukrainian peasants left their ancestral homeland in Western Ukraine to seek land on the agricultural frontiers of Western Canada and southern Brazil. Often these emigrants who left for radically different frontiers originated from the same districts and villages; some even came from the same families. The new landscapes created in Canada and Brazil by these Ukrainian pioneers reflected environmental differences between the Old World and the New. The Ukrainian landscape in Brazil showed the most immediate response to environmental change, but the isolation of the Brazilian communities meant that evidence of traditional folkways and aspects of material culture survived far longer in Ukrainian Brazilian areas than in Ukrainian Canadian communities. At the same time as these landscapes in the Ukrainian diaspora were evolving, the landscapes of the hearth area were also experiencing change. This paper is thus an attempt to consider the role of time, environmental change, and culture in three areas that are geographically widely separated, but retain certain cultural commonalities in radically different physical and political environments. De 1891 à 1914 des milliers de paysans ukrainiens ont quitté leur patrie ancestrale en Ukraine de l’Ouest pour des terres aux frontières agricoles de l’Ouest canadien et du Brésil du sud. Ces émigrants qui partaient pour des contrées radicalement dissemblables, provenaient souvent des mêmes districts et villages, si ce n’est des mêmes familles. La manière dont ces pionniers ukrainiens ont réaménagé ces territoires, reflétait les différences environnementales du vieux et du nouveau monde. Au Brésil, ils se sont immédiatement adaptés au changement géographique, mais l’isolement de leurs communautés a permis aux formes de vie traditionnelles populaires et aux caractères culturels architecturaux de leurs villages de survivre beaucoup plus longtemps que chez les Canadiens ukrainiens. Parallèlement aux transformations des paysages de la diaspora ukrainienne, d’autres mutations se faisaient aussi dans son foyer ancestral. Cet article tente donc de considérer le rôle du temps, du changement environnemental et de la culture dans les trois régions qui retiennent certains points culturels communs malgré leur grand éloignement géographique aux unes et aux autres et des terrains physiques et politiques radicalement différents.

Much as we like to think of landscapes as static, they are in constant flux, affected by human action in myriad ways. Since the first indigenous people wandered into Canada following the northward retreat of the continental ice sheet some 15,000 years ago, humans have shaped the prairies. Though Indigenous peoples trod lightly on the land, their footprints remain in the form of tipi rings, buffalo jumps and the invisible effects of anthropomorphically generated prairie. Soil erosion accelerated; increasing numbers of grain farmers in drought-affected areas left the land, creating a new landscape of abandoned farms and derelict settlements. [...]in many areas, wind farms have become even more intrusive features of the prairie landscape. [...]1907, under the so-called Hamlet Clause (Clause 37) of The Dominion Lands Act, they were allowed to fulfill their homestead duties while living off their homestead.

After he abandoned his efforts in the colonization field in 1904, he lived in Winnipeg's largely Jewish North End where he had ardent followers who regarded him as a tzadic rabbi, one blessed with unusual insights and wisdom.5 He was not associated with a synagogue; he used his house as a place for gatherings and worship, a practice that was not unusual at the time.6 He died in Winnipeg on 10 April 1919, aged 76/ He was survived by his wife, and six children. Wapella (1885), Moosomin (1882), Ghost Lake near Red Deer (1892) and Hirsch (1892), only Hirsch, which was generously supported by The Young Men's Hebrew Benevolent Society of Montreal, grew to any size.8 Ghost Lake was a disastrous failure.9 By the end of the first decade of the 20th century, numerous Jewish colonies were scattered across the prairies, most established by independent groups of settlers without any kind of direction from a central authority. A minyan of at least ten adult males was required to hold a Sabbath or holy day service and this was difficult to achieve in scattered settlements as Jews were not permitted to ride in a conveyance nor walk more than a mile from their home or carry anything while doing so on the Sabbath or holy days. Before the patent was issued, all liens against the land had to be cleared and the applicant, if not a British citizen, had to furnish proof of naturalization.

Rivers flowing from the uplifting Rocky Mountains deposited sediments which were gradually compacted into horizontal layers of weak mudstone and siltstone, interleaved with occasional coarser layers, coal seams, and volcanic ash. The sparse vegetation leaves the surface poorly protected during intense summer rainstorms, and the collapse of underground tunnels (called pipes), which commonly develop along subsurface fissures, causes widespread slope failure. The most remarkable features of the Badlands are its iconic hoodoos, mushroom-shaped pillars of soft, highly erodible rock, one to four metres high, and usually crowned by a protective capstone layer of harder, more erosion-resistant rock.

Polish and Ukrainian rural cemeteries in southeastern Manitoba reflect the process of negotiating complex religious, geographic, and ethnic identities within Canadian society. Before 1914 the identities of Slavic immigrants from eastern Europe to western Canada were influenced more by religious affiliation than by geographic origins. This Slavic population, now assimilated into mainstream Anglophone society, retains elements of Polish and Ukrainian on grave markers as expressions of difference and acts of resistance against total homogeneity. In rural Manitoba grave markers record the process of exogamy and cultural blending, while cemetery landscapes replicate the social relationship between cultural groups from the same region in Europe. Headstone designs reflect economic progress, while language use reveals how ethnic identities were, and are, imagined and expressed.