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Since November 1999, people arriving in Ireland to seek asylum have been dispersed throughout the country and confined in Direct Provision (DP) accommodation centres. Though initially meant for a six-month stay, by May 2020 7,700 people were living in 85 DP and emergency accommodation centres, many of them for up to nine years. The centres are operated by for-profit private companies who have been paid 1.6 billion euros since 2000, and are mostly sited in remote locations outside cities, on the periphery of society. The confinement of asylum seekers has been disavowed by state and society and continues the disavowal by Irish state and society of the coercive confinement of unwed mothers and poor children in church-run institutions, where women and children were confined and enslaved until late in the twentieth century. This article is based on interviews with and publicly available testimonies of asylum seekers in Direct Provision and on public and social media statements by the Movement of Asylum Seekers in Ireland (MASI). It theorizes the DP centres as racialized zones of nonbeing (Fanon 1967: 8) and the DP regime as racialized state violence. The segregation and racialization of asylum seekers in Direct Provision were poignantly demonstrated by asylum seekers’inability to observe social distancing in overcrowded DP centres during the early days of the Covid-19 pandemic, leading to a considerable number of them being infected.

This article critically engages with Israel's settler-colonial racial regime in Palestine as an Agambenian state of exception. The first part reiterates the author's argument that the Israeli state extends its laws to rule occupied and besieged Palestine while excluding itself and its Jewish citizen-colonists from legal instruments of oppression, occupation and siege. Positioning itself above and outside domestic and international law as far as Palestinian citizens and occupied and besieged subjects are concerned, Israel is theorized as a textbook example of state of exception, racial state and settler colony. The second part follows Weheliye in placing race front and centre in theorizing political violence as a socio-political process of differentiation and hierarchization that differentiates between the human, the not-quite-human and the non-human, employed by the State of Israel in dehumanizing and racializing Palestinian citizens, occupied and besieged subjects.

At least 27 people lost their lives [in English Channel drownings]... Yes, people should come here legally and the system must be fair, but the main issue is this: crossing the Channel in small boats is extremely dangerous and yesterday was the moment that many of us had feared for many years... What happened yesterday was a dreadful shock. It was not a surprise but it is also a reminder of how vulnerable people are put at peril when in the hands of criminal gangs... This requires co-ordinated international effort and I have been in constant contact with my counterparts from France, Poland, Austria, Belgium, Italy, and Greece ...The government's New Plan for Immigration, which will be put into law through the Nationality and Borders Bill is a longer-term solution that will address many of these underlying factors to deterring illegal migration and addressing underlying pull factors into the UK's asylum system.

The 1948 war that led to the creation of the State of Israel also resulted in the destruction of Palestinian society when some 80 per cent of the Palestinians who lived in the major part of Palestine upon which Israel was established became refugees. Israelis call the 1948 war their ‘War of Independence’ and the Palestinians their ‘Nakba’, or catastrophe. After many years of Nakba denial, land appropriation, political discrimination against the Palestinians within Israel and the denial of rights to Palestinian refugees, in recent years the Nakba is beginning to penetrate Israeli public discourse. This book explores the construction of collective memory in Israeli society, where the memory of the trauma of the Holocaust and of Israel’s war dead competes with the memory claims of the dispossessed Palestinians. Taking an auto-ethnographic approach, Ronit Lentin makes a contribution to social memory studies through a critical evaluation of the co-memoration of the Palestinian Nakba by Israeli Jews. Against a background of the Israeli resistance movement, Lentin’s central argument is that co-memorating the Nakba by Israeli Jews is motivated by an unresolved melancholia about the disappearance of Palestine and the dispossession of the Palestinians, a melancholia that shifts mourning from the lost object to the grieving subject. Lentin theorises Nakba co-memory as a politics of resistance, counterpoising co-memorative practices by internally displaced Israeli Palestinians with Israeli Jewish discourses of the Palestinian right of return, and questions whether return narratives by Israeli Jews, courageous as they may seem, are ultimately about Israeli Jewish self-healing rather than justice for Palestine.

This book brings together an inter-disciplinary group of Palestinian, Israeli, American, British and Irish scholars who theorise 'the question of Palestine'. Critically committed to supporting the Palestinian quest for self determination, they present new theoretical ways of thinking about Palestine. These include the 'Palestinization' of ethnic and racial conflicts, the theorization of Palestine as camp, ghetto and prison, the tourist/activist gaze, the role of gendered resistance, the centrality of the memory of the 1948 Nakba (catastrophe) to the contemporary understanding of the conflict, and the historic roots of the contemporary discourse on Palestine. The book offers a novel examination of how the Palestinian experience of being governed under what Giorgio Agamben names a 'state of exception' may be theorised as paradigmatic for new forms of global governance. An indispensable read for any serious scholar.

01 02 Employing the term 'migrant-led activism' to encompass a range of activities and policy interventions that migrant-led groups in Ireland engage in, this book critically analyzes the interaction between migrant activists and leaders and the state of the Republic of Ireland – a late player in Europe's immigration regime. The book, by a team of researchers based in Trinity College Dublin, Ireland,sets outan evidence-based critique of state and societal discourses of integration to provide a nuanced migrant-inspired discussion of processes of 'integration from below' against the background of an increasingly restrictive immigration regime. Through lobbying, advocacy, outreach, information, support, as well as campaigns against racism and discriminations, the migrant-led associations discussed in this book not only provide essential services but also participate in policy debates around issues that affect migrants, implement strategies of cultural adaptation and resistance, create opportunities for individual and community advancement, and provide a platform for disadvantaged segments of the population to become visible. The migrant-led associations studied all aim at facilitating migrants' integration from below' in Ireland, displaying a community oriented focus. 04 02 Acknowledgements Notes on Contributors Introduction: Immigration in Ireland and Migrant-Led Activism; R.Lentin Theorizing Migrant-Led Activism; C.De Tona & E.Moreo 'There is No Movement': A Brief History of Migrant-Led Activism in Contemporary Ireland; R.Lentin On Visibility and Invisibility: Migrant Practices Between Regimes of Representation and Self-Determination; E.Moreo Investing in Hope: Gendered Resistance and the Struggle of Migrant Women's Associations in Ireland. C.De Tona Chinese-Led Migrant Activism Beyond Invisibility: The Irish Chinese Earthquake Appeal Committee; Y.Wang Beyond Welcoming the Strangers: Migrant Integration Processes Among Protestant Churches in Ireland; A.Passarelli The Horn of Africa People's Aid: Refugee Empowerment and New Forms of Neoliberal Rationality; E.Moreo Conclusion: Integration from Below?; R.Lentin Notes References Index 19 02 Evaluates migrant-led activism against the background of an increasingly restrictive immigration regime in Ireland Explores how migrant-led associations are facilitating migrants' 'integration from below' Analyses the interaction between migrant activists and leaders and the state Includes an analysis on the response of Chinese migrant associations to the 2008 Chinese earthquake 08 02 'Overall, this collection is an engaging and thought-provoking intervention in debates about the politics and practice of migrant integration in Ireland (and beyond). By focusing on 'integration from below' the activities and perspectives of migrants themselves are brought to bear across the chapters in a fresh and urgent way.' - Ethnic and Racial Studies 31 02 This book critically evaluates migrant-led activism in the Republic of Ireland against a background of restrictive state policies 02 02 This book analyzes the interaction between migrant activists and leaders and the state of the Republic of Ireland – a late player in Europe's immigration regime - against the background of an increasingly restrictive immigration regime. 13 02 RONIT LENTIN Head of Sociology and Coordinator of the MPhil in Race, Ethnicity, Conflict atTrinity College, Dublin, Ireland.She has published extensively on racism and immigration in Ireland, Israel-Palestine, race and state. Among her latest books are Race and State, Thinking Palestine and Co-Memory and Melancholia: Israelis Memorialising the Palestinian Nakba . ELENA MORE Researcher in the Migrant Networks project, Trinity Immigration Initiative at Trinity College, Dublin, Ireland. Prior to this she worked as research assistant in the Global Networks group of the Institute for International Integration Studies. Her research interests are in the area of migration, grassroots activism and resistance, and the creative re-appropriation of urban space.

The 1948 war that led to the creation of the State of Israel also resulted in the destruction of Palestinian society when some 80 per cent of the Palestinians who lived in the major part of Palestine upon which Israel was established became refugees. Israelis call the 1948 war their 'War of Independence' and the Palestinians their 'Nakba', or catastrophe. After many years of Nakba denial, land appropriation, political discrimination against the Palestinians within Israel and the denial of rights to Palestinian refugees, in recent years the Nakba is beginning to penetrate Israeli public discourse. This book explores the construction of collective memory in Israeli society, where the memory of the trauma of the Holocaust and of Israel's war dead competes with the memory claims of the dispossessed Palestinians. Taking an auto-ethnographic approach, Ronit Lentin makes a contribution to social memory studies through a critical evaluation of the co-memoration of the Palestinian Nakba by Israeli Jews. Against a background of the Israeli resistance movement, Lentin's central argument is that co-memorating the Nakba by Israeli Jews is motivated by an unresolved melancholia about the disappearance of Palestine and the dispossession of the Palestinians, a melancholia that shifts mourning from the lost object to the grieving subject. Lentin theorises Nakba co-memory as a politics of resistance, counterpoising co-memorative practices by internally displaced Israeli Palestinians with Israeli Jewish discourses of the Palestinian right of return, and questions whether return narratives by Israeli Jews, courageous as they may seem, are ultimately about Israeli Jewish self-healing rather than justice for Palestine.

The 1948 war that led to the creation of the State of Israel also resulted in the destruction of Palestinian society when some 80 per cent of the Palestinians who lived in the major part of Palestine upon which Israel was established became refugees. Israelis call the 1948 war their ‘War of Independence’ and the Palestinians their ‘Nakba’, or catastrophe. After many years of Nakba denial, land appropriation, political discrimination against the Palestinians within Israel and the denial of rights to Palestinian refugees, in recent years the Nakba is beginning to penetrate Israeli public discourse. This book explores the construction of collective memory in Israeli society, where the memory of the trauma of the Holocaust and of Israel’s war dead competes with the memory claims of the dispossessed Palestinians. Taking an auto-ethnographic approach, Ronit Lentin makes a contribution to social memory studies through a critical evaluation of the co-memoration of the Palestinian Nakba by Israeli Jews. Against a background of the Israeli resistance movement, Lentin’s central argument is that co-memorating the Nakba by Israeli Jews is motivated by an unresolved melancholia about the disappearance of Palestine and the dispossession of the Palestinians, a melancholia that shifts mourning from the lost object to the grieving subject. Lentin theorises Nakba co-memory as a politics of resistance, counterpoising co-memorative practices by internally displaced Israeli Palestinians with Israeli Jewish discourses of the Palestinian right of return, and questions whether return narratives by Israeli Jews, courageous as they may seem, are ultimately about Israeli Jewish self-healing rather than justice for Palestine.

Halappanavar was miscarrying and her foetus had no chance of surviving. Because the neck of the womb was open, there was an opportunity for bugs to travel into the womb, spreading infection and causing shock and multi-organ failure, leading to her death (Houston, 2012). Voting in June 1992 by referendum to ratify the EU Maastricht Treaty, the people of Ireland only did so due to the assurance of Protocol 17, inserted by the Irish government, which provided against abortion; and in 2002 Irish voters rejected another attempt by the pro-life camp to outlaw abortion.\\n As O'Toole (2013) argues, the confinement of Ireland's 'flighty' daughters benefited families and society, and created very deep habits of collusion, evasion and adaptation, which is probably why Irish people did not question the targeting of migrant m/others and voted in large numbers for changing Ireland's citizenship laws.