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154 result(s) for "Linz, Juan J"
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Crafting State-Nations : India and other multinational democracies
Political wisdom holds that the political boundaries of a state necessarily coincide with a nation's perceived cultural boundaries. Today, the sociocultural diversity of many polities renders this understanding obsolete. This volume provides the framework for the state-nation, a new paradigm that addresses the need within democratic nations to accommodate distinct ethnic and cultural groups within a country while maintaining national political coherence. First introduced briefly in 1996 by Alfred Stepan and Juan J. Linz, the state-nation is a country with significant multicultural—even multinational—components that engenders strong identification and loyalty from its citizens. Here, Indian political scholar Yogendra Yadav joins Stepan and Linz to outline and develop the concept further. The core of the book documents how state-nation policies have helped craft multiple but complementary identities in India in contrast to nation-state policies in Sri Lanka, which contributed to polarized and warring identities. The authors support their argument with the results of some of the largest and most original surveys ever designed and employed for comparative political research. They include a chapter discussing why the U.S. constitutional model, often seen as the preferred template for all the world's federations, would have been particularly inappropriate for crafting democracy in politically robust multinational countries such as India or Spain. To expand the repertoire of how even unitary states can respond to territorially concentrated minorities with some secessionist desires, the authors develop a revised theory of federacy and show how such a formula helped craft the recent peace agreement in Aceh, Indonesia. Empirically thorough and conceptually clear, Crafting State-Nations will have a substantial impact on the study of comparative political institutions and the conception and understanding of nationalism and democracy.
Democratization Theory and the “Arab Spring”
More than twenty-five years have passed since the publication of Transitions from Authoritarian Rule: Prospects for Democracy, the four pioneering volumes edited by Guillermo O’Donnell, Philippe C. Schmitter, and Laurence Whitehead that inaugurated third-wave democratization theory. More than fifteen years have passed since the 1996 publication of our own Problems of Democratic Transition and Consolidation: Southern Europe, South America, and Post-Communist Europe. Looking back, what do we find useable or applicable from works on democratization from this earlier period, and what concepts need to be modified? In particular, what new perspectives are needed in light of the recent upheavals in the Arab world? Here we focus on three topics that have been illuminated by the events of the Arab Spring: 1) the relationship between democracy and religion, especially in the world’s Muslim-majority countries; 2) the character of hybrid regimes that mix authoritarian and democratic elements; and 3) the nature of “sultanism” and its implications for transitions to democracy.
Democratic Parliamentary Monarchies
In this essay, the authors propose a three-part ideal-type typology that distinguishes between “ruling monarchy,” “constitutional monarchy,” and what they call “democratic parliamentary monarchy” (or DPM for short). For us, the defining characteristic of a DPM is that only the freely elected parliament forms and terminates the government. In a constitutional monarchy, by contrast, there is a strong element of dual legitimacy in that parliament and the monarch need each other’s support in order to form or terminate a government. In still greater contrast, in ruling monarchies the monarch can often unilaterally form or terminate the government. Moreover, each of these three types comes with its own set of patterns concerning the rule of law, constitutional constraints on the monarch, the status of parliament, and the relative autonomy of the judiciary.
The Rise of “State-Nations”
Must every state be a nation and every nation a state? Or should we look instead to the example of countries such as India, where one state holds together a congeries of “national” groups and cultures in a single and wisely conceived federal republic?
Henry Y.K. Tom (1946-2011)
The Wilson Center Project began in 1979, but the closing date for submitting the manuscript was not finalized until the end of 1984. [...] there was a long period during which major parts of the text were beginning to accumulate dust, while other essential components were not yet ready for inclusion.
Leaders of the Profession: An Interview with Juan Linz
Continuing the popular series - launched through the pages of the journal's predecessor publication, ECPR News - of 'conversations' with high-profile members of the profession, in this issue we focus on the distinguished comparativist and analyst of regimes, Juan Linz. Working with Seymour Martin Lipset and Reinhard Bendix, I turned to political science and the sociology of voting and parties, and wrote a dissertation on the 1953 German election using survey data. About the Author Juan J. Linz, Ph.D., Columbia University (1959), is Sterling Professor Emeritus of Political and Social Science at Yale University.
Democracy's Time Constraints
The present article explores a series of time issues that have been largely ignored in democratic theory. It begins with discussing a defining feature of democratic rule: its temporal delimitation. Democracy is government pro tempore. Parting from this core assumption, the article discusses, among other things temporal, the timing of elections; the time requirements of efficient and accountable government; the interaction of electoral cycles at different levels and their interference with other societal cycles; the democratic ambivalence of term limits; the time scarcities of both politicians and citizens; the temporal logics of direct democracy; the value of governmental stability; and the complexities of generational renewal. The article concludes with some reflections on some neglected themes and pending challenges. /// Cet article explore une série de questions afférentes au temps et largement délaissées par la théorie démocratique. L'auteur commence par discuter l'une des définitions possibles de la démocratie: l'exercice d'un gouvernement encastré dans des limites temporelles. L'article aborde par la suite la question du timing des élections, le temps comme dimension centrale d'un gouvernement responsable, l'interaction des différents cycles électoraux et leur éventuel interférence avec les cycles sociaux, l'ambivalence de la limitation dans la durée des mandats électifs, la logique temporelle de la démocratie directe, la question de la stabilité gouvernementale et la complexité du renouveau générationnel. L'article conclut sur certains aspects oubliés ou négligés par la discipline et aborde quelques enjeux aujourd'hui à l'oeuvre.
El uso religioso de la política y/o el uso político de la religión: la ideología-sucedáneo versus la religión-sucedáneo (The Religious Use of Politics and/or the Political Use of Religion: Ersatz Ideology versus Ersatz Religion)
En este trabajo se analizan las relaciones de la religión y la política, especialmente en los regímenes totalitarios. Una de estas relaciones es el papel desempeñado por la \"religión-sucedáneo\" en las religiones políticas, que enlazan con procesos de secularización. Como contrapunto al papel intervencionista del Estado en la religión política se ofrece el modelo liberal de separación amistosa entre Iglesia y Estado o el modelo hostil de esta separación, cuando se rechaza el pluralismo cultural. Otro tipo de relación es el de la \"ideología-sucedáneo\" en la religión politizada, del que ofrece un buen ejemplo el nacional-catolicismo español. También se analiza el nacionalismo político y religioso, con referencia al caso vasco, entre otros. Se concluye hablando de las funciones expresas y latentes de la religión politizada y de sus diferencias con la religión política, así como de las implicaciones tanto para la religión como para la política. En un marco autoritario, como fue el caso español, la religión politizada puede ser un elemento latente de pluralismo político./// This article analyses the relationships existing between religion and politics, particularly in totalitarian régimes. One of these relationships is the role played by \"ersatz religion\" in political religions, which in turn link up with secularization processes. Offered as a contrast to the interventionist role of the State in political religion is the liberal model of friendly separation between Church and State or the hostile model of this separation, when cultural pluralism is rejected. Another kind of relationship is \"ersatz ideology\" in politicized religion, a good example of which is Spanish national Catholicism. Political and religious nationalism is also analysed with reference, among others, to the Basque case. The article finishes with an examination of the express, latent functions of politicized religion and how it differs from political religion, besides the implications this has as regards religion and politics. In an authoritarian setting, as was the Spanish case, politicized religion can be a latent element of political pluralism.