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An increasing trend in many postsecondary foreign language classes in North America is the presence of heritage language learners. Heritage language learners are speakers of ethnolinguistically minority languages who were exposed to the language in the family since childhood and as adults wish to learn, relearn, or improve their current level of linguistic proficiency in their family language. This article discusses the development of the linguistic and grammatical knowledge of heritage language speakers from childhood to adulthood and the conditions under which language learning does or does not occur. Placing heritage language acquisition within current and viable cognitive and linguistic theories of acquisition, I discuss what most recent basic research has so far uncovered about heritage speakers of different languages and their language learning process. I conclude with directions for future research.

Passive sentences in Spanish come in different varieties and present complexity at the syntactic, semantic and morphological level. This study reviews research showing that child and adult heritage speakers of Spanish develop basic knowledge of these complex sentences early on, even when these are not very frequent in spoken input, but they may be less efficient than baseline speakers interpreting different word orders, gender agreement, the semantics of the by-phrase, and the aspectual interpretation of the copulas ser and estar. Accuracy with the production and comprehension of passives is related to proficiency in the heritage language, and literacy experience enhances the acquisition of all the complexities of verbal passives in Spanish.

As a scholar of language acquisition in multilingual contexts, Montrul has been involved with Romance linguistics since the inception of her career, making contributions to Romance linguistics over the years in three broad areas: second language acquisition, bilingualism and heritage languages, and L3 acquisition.

The effects of language transfer have been amply documented in second language (L2) acquisition and, to a lesser extent, in the language contact/loss literature (Cook, 2003). In both cases, the stronger and often dominant language encroaches into the structure of the less dominant language in systematic ways. But are transfer effects in these two situations comparable: is first language (L1) influence in adult L2 learners similar to L2 influence in the L1 of early bilinguals? The current study addresses this question by investigating knowledge of Spanish clitics, clitic left dislocations, and differential object marking (DOM) in 72 L2 learners and 67 Spanish heritage speakers. The contact language, English, is assumed to not instantiate these syntactic properties. Results of an oral production task and a written acceptability judgment task indicated overall advantages for the heritage speakers in some areas, but similar effects of transfer from English in the two groups. Transfer effects were less pronounced with core aspects of grammar (syntax proper in the case of clitics) than with aspects of grammar that lie at the interfaces of syntax and semantics/pragmatics, as in the case of clitic left dislocations and DOM. These findings have implications for current views on the vulnerability of certain linguistic interfaces in language development (Sorace, 2004; Serratrice et al., 2004; Tsimpli and Sorace, 2006; White, 2009) and for theories that stress the role of age in L2 acquisition and permanent transfer effects.

This eye-tracking study examined how heritage speakers of Spanish process gender agreement morphology at a distance, focusing on the activation of the gender feature during sentence processing. Previous work is conceptually replicated and further extended by assessing (1) whether reduced sensitivity to gender agreement mismatches when another word intervenes between the head noun and its modifying adjective stems from weakened gender feature activation, (2) whether a gender-marked determiner enhances this activation, and (3) whether Age of Onset of Bilingualism (AOB) plays a role in this activation. Fifty-three English-dominant heritage speakers of Spanish and a comparison group of 32 Spanish-dominant monolingually raised speakers read sentences with and without gender agreement mismatches while their eye movements were monitored. Sentences contained mismatches in adjectives modified by the intensifier “muy” under two conditions: a No Cue condition (e.g., árboles muy altos/*altas) and a Cue condition with a gender-marked determiner (e.g., unos árboles muy altos/*altas). Statistical modeling of the eye-tracking data suggests similar effects for both groups in the No Cue condition, but AOB and proficiency modulated sensitivity for heritage speakers with a later AOB (4–6). Gender cues on the determiner (Cue condition) impacted the time course of agreement processing for all groups, the total time spent reading mismatches for all heritage speakers as a function of proficiency, and the rereading time for heritage speakers with a later AOB (4–9). We consider the role of Age of Onset of Bilingualism (AOB) and proficiency in morphosyntactic processing, feature retrieval, and cue facilitation in heritage language processing.

Differential Object Marking (DOM) marks some objects overtly with specific morphology and is regulated by several semantic and pragmatic factors. DOM exhibits synchronic and diachronic variability within and across languages, especially in bilingual contexts, and the study of heritage languages offers a unique perspective on the forces that shape it. This study investigates knowledge of DOM in Romanian and its interaction with accusative clitic doubling (CD) in native speakers of Romanian in Romania and first- and second-generation Romanian immigrants to the United States. The results of an oral production task, a written production task, and a written and auditory comprehension task show convergence between the adult immigrant group and the Romanians in the homeland. When divergent uses of DOM and accusative clitic omission occurred, these were mostly produced by the heritage speakers with early onset of bilingualism, consistent with findings of age effects in heritage language acquisition and a Differential Access Model of heritage language grammars. We discuss these results in the contexts of DOM vulnerability in other heritage languages, such as Spanish, and consider why DOM in Romanian might be comparatively better preserved by the adult immigrants and heritage speakers.

Why is learning the gender of nouns so difficult for some bilinguals? We test the hypothesis that different language learning backgrounds or life experience with Spanish determine how learners follow different morphosyntactic cues for gender assignment in Spanish by testing learners with early and late language experience in an experiment with invented nouns. A total of 44 monolingually raised native speakers, 44 heritage speakers, and 44 L2 learners of Spanish were trained to learn 24 nonce words in Spanish presented in four input conditions that manipulated the number and type of cues to gender marking (determiner, word marker, adjective). After the learning sessions, the participants completed a word naming task, an elicited production task, and a debriefing questionnaire. The L2 learners were different than native speakers and heritage speakers in learning nonce nouns. They used morphosyntactic cues differently, relying on adjectives as their most-used strategy to assign gender, unlike native speakers and heritage speakers who used all cues. Our findings confirm processing differences between L2 learners and heritage speakers and suggest language learning background determines how learners discover reliable morphosyntactic cues to the gender of nouns in the input.

This study investigates the role of transfer from the stronger language by focusing on the interpretation of definite articles in Spanish and English by Spanish heritage speakers (i.e., minority language-speaking bilinguals) residing in the U.S., where English is the majority language. Spanish plural NPs with definite articles can express generic reference (Los elefantes tienen colmillos de marfil), or specific reference (Los elefantes de este zoológico son marrones). English plurals with definite articles can only have specific reference (The elephants in this zoo are brown), while generic reference is expressed with bare plural NPs (Elephants have ivory tusks). Furthermore, the Spanish definite article is preferred in inalienable possession constructions (Pedro levantó la mano “Peter raised the hand”), whereas in English the use of a definite article typically means that the body part belongs to somebody else (alienable possession). Twenty-three adult Spanish heritage speakers completed three tasks in Spanish (acceptability judgment, truth-value judgment, and picture–sentence matching tasks) and the same three tasks in English. Results show that the Spanish heritage speakers exhibited transfer from English into Spanish with the interpretation of definite articles in generic but not in inalienable possession contexts. Implications of this finding for the field of heritage language research and for theories of article semantics are discussed.

Differential Object marking (DOM), a linguistic phenomenon in which a direct object is morphologically marked for semantic and pragmatic reasons, has attracted the attention of several subfields of linguistics in the past few years. DOM has evolved diachronically in many languages, whereas it has disappeared from others; it is easily acquired by monolingual children, but presents high instability and variability in bilingual acquisition and language contact situations. This edited collection contributes to further our understanding of the nature and development of DOM in the languages of the world, in acquisition, and in language contact, variation, and change. The thirteen chapters in this volume present new empirical data from Estonian, Spanish, Turkish, Korean, Hindi, Romanian and Basque in different acquisition contexts and learner populations. They also bring together multiple theoretical and methodological perspectives to account for the complexity and dynamicity of this widespread linguistic phenomenon.

Spanish marks animate and specific direct objects overtly with the preposition a, an instance of Differential Object Marking (DOM). However, in some varieties of Spanish, DOM is advancing to inanimate objects. Language change starts at the individual level, but how does it start? What manifestation of linguistic knowledge does it affect? This study traced this innovative use of DOM in oral production, grammaticality judgments and on-line comprehension (reading task with eye-tracking) in the Spanish of Mexico. Thirty-four native speakers (ages 18–22) from the southeast of Mexico participated in the study. Results showed that the incidence of the innovative use of DOM with inanimate objects varied by task: DOM innovations were detected in on-line processing more than in grammaticality judgments and oral production. Our results support the hypothesis that language variation and change may start with on-line comprehension.