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"MacFarquhar, Roderick"
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The politics of China : sixty years of the People's Republic of China
\"Thirty years ago, China was emerging from one of the most traumatic periods in its history. The Chinese people had been ravaged by long years of domestic struggle, terrible famine and economic and political isolation. Today, China has the world's second largest economy and is a major player in global diplomacy. This volume, written by some of the leading experts in the field, tracks China's extraordinary transformation from the establishment of the People's Republic of China in 1949, through the Great Leap Forward, the Cultural Revolution, and the death of Chairman Mao, to its dynamic rise as a superpower in the twenty-first century. The latest edition of the book includes a new introduction and a seventh chapter which focuses on the legacy of Deng Xiaoping, the godfather of China's transformation, under his successors Jiang Zemin and Hu Jintao. Under Mao, China challenged the outside world ideologically and militarily. Today China's challenge as an economic and diplomatic superpower may prove even more formidable. As a comprehensive and authoritative appraisal of China's last sixty years, this book will be invaluable for professionals working in the region and for students assessing what China will mean for their futures\"-- Provided by publisher.
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The Once and Future Tragedy of the Cultural Revolution
For most observers of contemporary China, the very obvious legacy of the Cultural Revolution is Deng Xiaoping's reform and opening up. As Chairman Mao was wont to say, although he would have refrained on this topic, \"out of bad things come good things.\" The desperate plight of China in 1976, left far behind in the race for development by other peoples in the old Chinese cultural area, woke up the survivors of Mao's last folly to the need for new ideas and new directions. Fortunately, Deng Xiaoping had the courage and the clout to start crossing the river by feeling for the stones, to embrace any method which contributed to economic progress by calling it \"socialism with Chinese characteristics,\" to proclaim that \"practice is the sole criterion of truth\" and not ideology, and to permit the widespread use of a slogan that was the very antithesis of the Cultural Revolution: \"To get rich is glorious.\" As a result, over the past 35 years, the Chinese people have transformed their nation into the workshop of the world, and hundreds of millions of them have become prosperous to an extent undreamt of in the Maoist era. So, how likely is it that amnesia about the Cultural Revolution could bring about a repeat as Santayana and Gao would predict? What were the basic ingredients of the Cultural Revolution that might be replicable?
Journal Article
Prisoner of the state : the secret journal of Premier Zhao Ziyang
This book is the only record ever been made of how the Chinese autocracy works from the inside: in excruciating details, we are told about the power plays, the shenanigans, the mini-coups, the subterfuges, and the entrenched prejudices of members of China's politburo. Will receive major publicity. Embargoed title.
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THE TRAUMA FROM THE GREAT PROLETARIAN CULTURAL REVOLUTION: CAN THE IRON TRIANGLE BE SAVED?
This article examines Mao's Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution (1966-1976) from a macro historical perspective by showing its effect on what the author terms \"the iron triangle\"-China's long-lasting rigid triangular system of bureaucratic, ideological and military control under the aegis of the emperor. The author concludes by showing that the current effort of saving the Chinese Communist Party by Xi Jinping is in essence a cultural revolution in the making.
Journal Article
Stuart Reynolds Schram, 1924–2012
According to Marie-Annick, he preserved as memorabilia of this period of his life his army cap with a nuclear insignia on it and the certificate he received thanking him for his role in the Project. In 1948, he was a consultant to the UN Secretariat for the preparation of an international bibliography of scientific literature on atomic energy. [...]in his early twenties, Stuart was a valued and continuing member of the burgeoning nuclear physics community, but in spirit he had already left it. [...]of his dissertation research, he knew about Protestants involved in Le Christianisme social movement; indeed he translated two chapters of his thesis for its journal. On 4 October, it did just that, with the one handicap that it was only valid for one, not two years. Because of the Schram family origins, he had studied German in high school.
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On “Liberation”
When the editor asked me along with other ex-editors to offer some thoughts on the occasion of The China Quarterly's 50th anniversary, I was at a loss. At the celebration which David Shambaugh held for the 35th anniversary in 1995, I wrote fairly extensively about the founding and early development of the journal (No.143, pp. 692–96) and did not have much to add. So I made the suggestion that I should reprise a special feature of the first China Quarterly. For that founding issue, I solicited a number of senior Sinologues to give their appraisal of the PRC on the occasion of its tenth anniversary. Could I, now senior, be given a similar opportunity to look back at the founding of the PRC on the occasion of its 60th anniversary? This article is the consequence of the editor's kind agreement.
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The China Quarterly and the History of the PRC
When I was appointed editor of the CQ in 1959, my vision was that it should focus primarily on all aspects of the People's Republic of China (PRC) and on Chinese Communist Party (CCP) history, but that there should also be occasional articles on contemporary Taiwan and the overseas Chinese. That autumn, I did a quick tour of a few American campuses to try to drum up contributors; basically I needed social scientists. But even those universities with significant China programmes were peopled mainly by historians who were not doing research on the PRC. Benjamin Schwartz at Harvard, who had already published Chinese Communism and the Rise of Mao, did write articles from time to time on the current scene; at MIT, Lucian Pye was ensuring that political scientists should incorporate East Asia into analyses of comparative politics; at Berkeley, Franz Schurmann (a Yuan historian in an earlier incarnation) was engaged in what became Ideology and Organization in Communist China, S.H. Chen was interested in contemporary mainland literature, and Choh-ming Li (like Alexander Eckstein at Michigan) was studying the economy; at Columbia, C. Martin Wilbur was working on the documents captured when the Soviet embassy in Beijing was raided in the 1920s, but Doak Barnett would not get there till the end of 1960; the only real nest of social scientists examining Chinese behaviour on a daily basis that I found on that trip was located at RAND: Allen Whiting, A.M. Halpern and Alice Langley Hsieh, all working on Chinese foreign relations. The shock of the launch of the first sputnik in 1957 had already led the US government to allocate massive funds to academia for the training of specialists on Russia and China, but the first beneficiaries of the largesse did not start coming out of the pipeline until the late 1960s. With so few potential contributors available, I stopped reviewing China books in case I offended any of them! But the scarcity of talent was also an advantage, for Western and Asian China watchers – diplomats in Beijing, journalists in Hong Kong, businessmen travelling in and out – all subscribed, making the CQ the house magazine of a growing community.
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