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"Magnet, Myron"
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Conceived in liberty
In the Southern colonies, by a shabby quirk of human nature, the prevalence of slavery made freemen especially \"proud and jealous of their freedom\" as a mark of \"rank and privilege.\" Culture is not primarily a matter of reason - of which men have but a limited stock, as Burke stressed - but of belief and feeling, the mental faculties that help us make sense of the world and navigate our daily lives. [...]insofar as each of us is the captain of his soul, if we run aground, that's our lookout, not society' orthe state's. Even after the Union sacrificed 360,000 soldiers' lives to free the slaves, and after the post-Civil War amendments had repaired the flaw in the original Constitution, two bizarre Supreme Court rulings of the 1870s gelded those amendments and licensed a century of segregation and civic exclusion. [...]the marches and rallies of the 1950s and 60s, the agitations of Martin Luther King Jr. and the Freedom Riders, repaired the framers' work-at the cost, however, of emphasizing its signal deformity and stressing the framers' failures over their successes.
Trade Publication Article
\The Power Broker\ in perspective
Robert Moses was a titan the Napoleon of city building and Robert A. Caro s classic biography, The Power Broker: Robert Moses and the Fall of New York, which celebrates its fiftieth anniversary this year and still sells forty thousand copies annually, is almost as titanic.1 In the three-quarter-million words that crowd the book s 1,200 pages, Caro depicts in encyclopedic detail what Moses achieved in shaping Gotham and its environs in his forty-four years in office, and he brilliantly illuminates the political legerdemain needed to accomplish that. Notwithstanding the book s subtitle, New York did not fall, however badly it stumbled in the 1970s, when The Power Broker appeared, and later developments have advanced our understanding of what makes cities thrive. Caro's riveting account of how Smith left school at thirteen to support his widowed mother and rose to become \"the state's greatest governor\" is one of the set pieces that make the book so alive. A champion of \"the people\" as opposed to \"the interests,\" writes Caro, he persuaded Tammany's boss that backing government welfare programs was a natural progression from the machine's old-style Christmas turkey baskets and patronage jobs, a way of keeping power by doling out benefits. [...]Tammany Democrats became Progressives, an evolution Caro approves of, but one that, after decades of welfarism, demoralizing to the recipients and burdensome to the taxpayers, looks less benign than he assumes.
Trade Publication Article
The Tea Party challenge
From the 1765 Stamp Act Congress, when the American colonists first called their representatives together to declare their 'undoubted right that no taxes be imposed on them, but with their own consent,' to the Boston Tea Party eight years later, when the Sons of Liberty dumped a shipload of tea into the harbor rather than accept Britain's right to tax that normally soothing commodity, the Founding Fathers militantly denied that all the fruits of the colonists' labor and industry may be taken from them whenever an avaricious governor and a rapacious council may incline to demand them, as future Chief Justice John Jay put it in 1775. What unifies the many Tea Partiers interviewed on the Pajamas Media TV Web site is their fear that the president's various Great Recession bailouts, along with his government takeover of health care, will change America from the limited-government, individualistic, free-enterprise regime that the Founders created to a statist, big-government regime that will curb liberty in the name of redistributionist 'fairness' and will burden their children and grandchildren with impoverishing public debt.
Journal Article
The Tea Party Challenge
The Tea Party movement could signal a turning point for America, writes Myron Magnet. But they need to embrace their own radical message.
Journal Article
The Tea Party Challenge
The Tea Party movement could signal a turning point for America, writes Myron Magnet. But they need to embrace their own radical message.
Journal Article
A stately setting
First Lady Jacqueline Kennedy, lacking government funds to replace the department-store furniture that then embarrassed the White House, had just formed a committee to solicit donations of antiques, and Conger, following her lead, set up his own fine-arts committee. [...]the decoration is rich indeed, from the marble-looking plaster pilasters of the elevator hall now named in memory of Jones to the entrance hall's ceiling piasterwork copied from the Philadelphia house of the formidable Elizabeth Powel, who famously asked Benjamin Franklin, as he emerged from the Constitutional Convention, what kind of government the delegates had given America, drawing the more famous reply, \"A republic-if you can keep it.\" The circular niches over the paneled mahogany doors on either side of the fireplace echo the round windows in Monticello's dome room and its bedroom portholes, and they contain busts on consoles, like Jefferson's tea room. With its restrained shades of buff-colored paint, it is composed of few, though opulent, elements: paired rose-colored faux-marble columns with gilded Corinthian capitals framing pedimented French doors out onto the terrace, a coved ceiling with gilded coffers in the cove, a gilded ceiling medallion showing the Great Seal of the United States, eight grand crystal chandeliers, and a fireplace also flanked by paired rose-colored columns.
Trade Publication Article