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Drawing on the aftermath of al-Aqsa Flood Operation against the Zionist blockade on Gaza in 2023, this study examines how Egyptian supporters of the Palestinian cause overcame the regime's repression of public protests through individual mobilization into cyber-advocacy campaigns on social media. Building on scholarship addressing youth political mobilization, the Palestinian cause has been the epicenter of social activism and political engagement in public sphere in contestation of the legitimacy of successive Egyptian regimes. Although the Sisi regime has embarked on arrest campaigns against pro-Palestinian protestors, social media's legacy in the Arab uprisings as a reliable and secure platform of political mobilization prompted Egyptians to individually engage into cyberadvocacy campaigns on Facebook, Twitter, and TikTok in support for Palestine. Examining social media outlets since 7 October 2023, Egyptians' pro-Palestinian cyberadvocacy has enabled them to show support toward Gazans, expose Arab leaders' complicity with the Zionist regime, and defy the Zionist narrative about the right to Palestine as a homeland for Jews. Utilizing Social Movement Studies (SMTs)' notion of individual mobilization and relying on the critical discourse analysis of al-Sisi speeches, the content analysis of pro-Palestinian campaigns, and the author's interviews with 58 Egyptian activists, the study highlighted a three-layered pro-Palestinian cyberadvocacy which consisted of raising public awareness of the Zionist human rights' violation committed against Palestinians, debunking the Zionist myths of fighting terrorism in Gaza, and boycotting pro-Zionist brands.

Purpose - Combining two organizational change theories, life cycle and organizational development, this study examines how strategic change cycle has been adopted and implemented across three different organizations, a public organization, an NGO and an intergovernmental organization toward achieving their goals. Design/methodology/approach - This study triangulates three different qualitative research methods: open-ended semi-structured interviews conducted with UN Women Egypt's director, text analysis of the three organizations' websites and the discourse analysis of the Tri-County Foundation's leaders. Findings - Strategic change cycle has been differently formulated, adopted and implemented by the three organizations based on their goals, resources and contexts. While Office Board of Investment adopted a comprehensive reactive change, Tri-County Foundation followed a partial proactive transformation and UN Women Egypt developed a partial reactive strategy. Henceforth, public organizations and nonprofit organizations can develop different strategies of change in function of needs, resources, goals and context. Originality/value - This study advances a theoretical framework on organizational change by integrating two theories, life cycle and organizational development, presenting four patterns of change: comprehensive reactive, comprehensive proactive, partial reactive and partial proactive.

This article examines scholarship from the Arab world on Turkish foreign policy since the early 1980s to show shifts in Arab perceptions of Turkey. Prior to 2002, Arab scholars were focused on the competition between Turkey's secular and religious elites, with largely negative views of the country's policies in the Middle East. With the rise of the Justice and Development Party (AKP), Arab scholars began to look more positively toward Turkey, as it sought to play a new role in the Middle East. With the Arab uprisings from 2011 onward, the Arab literature on Turkey began to vary, reflecting the developments in Turkey's relationships with scholars' respective countries.

This study examines the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood's transnational media advocacy as a shift in the Islamists' political participation in general and the Brothers' in particular. The article argues that the Brothers created their own TV channels in order to challenge the new regime's legitimacy after 3 July 2013 by taking advantage of a sympathetic political environment in Turkey. Their media advocacy embraced a collective Islamic identity in its denunciation of the Sisi regime and called for a democratic restitution as a common Egyptian cause. Based on interviews conducted with TV presenters and a content analysis of the expatriates' TV channels, this study presents transnational advocacy as a novelty in the Islamists' repertoire of action.

This study presents Arab perspectives on changes in Turkish policy in the Middle East from 2010 until 2020. It examines how Arab countries perceive changes in Turkish regional policy after the 2010–11 uprisings. Unlike Western and Turkish literature that has highlighted identity–security combinations behind changes in Turkish regional policy, this study argues that the Arabic research literature provides a different perspective. Based on a foreign policy analysis concept of operational milieu, this study argues that Arab countries negatively perceive the changes in Turkish policy due to structural transformations in the region during and after the uprisings that paved the way for the reemergence of psychological barriers between both sides.

Purpose: Breaking with former President Mubarak's inward-looking approach, this paper examines how al-Sisi has differently formulated Egypt's child labor policy in compliance with the UN SDGs goals and objectives. Method: Relying on a qualitative research method based on the analysis of Egyptian officials' speeches, statements, practices, and laws, this study borrows policy framing as an explanatory framework of the shift in Egypt's labor policy. Originality: While the literature addressing child labor in Egypt has predominantly focused on the reasons behind child labor, its repercussions on children's wellbeing, and the government's efforts in curbing its proliferation, this study examines the shift in the government's framing of the cause and its impact on curbing the phenomenon from proliferation. Findings: This paper argues that Egypt has changed its approach toward child labor policies under the rule of President Abdel-Fattah al- Sisi by adopting a global framing toward child labor as an issue of national development.

In spite of the inability of Gulf countries to develop a successful collective security strategy as asserted by the existing literature, the study contends that they have exceptionally adopted it toward their domestic uprisings. Based on the security regime theory, this study argues that threats of revolutionary sociopolitical change incentivize authoritarian regimes, such as Gulf countries, to formulate a collective security strategy within multilateral instances. By relying on a critical discourse analysis, the study traces Gulf countries' perception of the different uprisings as reported by different national newspapers from December 2010 till March 2018.

Unlike his predecessors, the AKP refused to be at the crossroads between Secularism and Islamism as two ideological antonyms by restructuring the State-society relations. The efforts of conciliation on the national scene are not enough in integrating politics and alleviating polarization between these two antagonistic tendencies. The simultaneous recourse to a balanced diplomacy is then considered as an effective means in ensuring stability, transcending the establishment resistance and normalizing the Turkish politics through the reformulation of the centre and the acceptation of the marginalized groups as legitimate actors both on the domestic and the external levels.

The perspective of establishing a democratic regime in the aftermath of the youth revolution in 2011 has stimulated a lot of debates among intellectuals as well as in the Egyptian street about the possibility of having a ruling authority that is mainly dominated by some Islamic-oriented groups. The emergence of different religious factions that were repressed under the precedent regime and their public expression of a willingness to take part into the political life in Egypt increased the doubts about this possibility especially in the absence of liberal, grass-rooted and well-organized opposition parties. By relying on a comparative analysis of political Islam in both Turkey and Iran, the argument of having a possible religiously oriented regime on either country’s model is examined in light of the evolution of religion involvement in the Egyptian political life.

By focusing on Al hakimiyya theoretical premises in the Islamic literature starting from the most modernizing and exclusive ideological foundations to the conciliatory ones promoting the post nation-state model as the peak of political development, this study aims to analyze the indoctrination of this concept in the Islamic political thought and discourse as well as in the different Islamic literature to pave the way for its practical evolution towards the fulfillment of the democratic exigencies, notably, towards the minorities' rights in the Muslim world. In spite of the cancelation of the \"Dhimmi\" status imposed on the People of the Book, Jews and Christians, at the middle of the 19th century, the Islamists' political culture and intellect have fallen short to develop a governance system based on social justice and equality for all citizens. The rigid interpretation of Al hakimiyya principles by the leadership of the various Islamic forces entailed many intellectual and normative deficiencies in practice. The direct transposition of its theoretical assumptions to their political paradigm ignored the contextual factor that influenced the concept visionaries causing considerable distortions in the Islamists' self-perception and world vision. The Arab spring and the arrival of the Islamic forces to power present a necessity for the reinterpretation of Al hakimiyya, in light of the Turkish case since 2002, and the development of a critical assessment of its conceptual foundations in terms of integrating the religious minorities' normative and moral references into its intellectual paradigm. [PUBLICATION ABSTRACT]