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Background Tanzania achieved the Millennium Development Goal for child survival, yet made insufficient progress for maternal and neonatal survival and stillbirths, due to low coverage and quality of services for care at birth, with rural women left behind. Our study aimed to evaluate Tanzania’s subnational (regional-level) variations for rural care at birth outcomes, i.e., rural women giving birth in a facility and by Caesarean section (C-section), and associations with health systems inputs (financing, health workforce, facilities, and commodities), outputs (readiness and quality of care) and context (education and GDP). Methods We undertook correlation analyses of subnational-level associations between health system inputs, outputs, context, and rural care at birth outcomes; and constructed implementation readiness barometers using benchmarks for each health system input indicator. We used geographical information system (GIS) mapping to visualise subnational variations in care at birth for rural women, with a focus on service availability and readiness, and collected qualitative data to investigate financial flows from national to council level to understand variation in financing inputs. Results We found wide subnational variation for rural care at birth outcomes, health systems inputs, and contextual indicators. There was a positive association between rural women giving birth in a facility and by C-section; maternal education; workforce and facility density; and quality of care. There was a negative association between these outcomes and proportion of all births to rural women, total fertility rate, and availability of essential commodities at facilities. Per capita recurrent expenditure was positively associated with facility births (correlation coefficient = 0.43; p  = 0.05) but not with C-section. Qualitative results showed that the health financing system is complex and insufficient for providing care at birth services. Bottlenecks for care at birth included low density of health workers, poor availability of essential commodities, and low health financing in Lake and Western Zones. Conclusions No region meets the benchmarks for the four health systems building blocks including health finance, health workforce, health facilities, and commodities. Strategies for addressing health system inequities, including overall increases in health expenditure, are needed in rural populations and areas of highest unmet need for family planning to improve coverage of care at birth for rural women in Tanzania.

Debt burdens are growing steadily in Low- and Middle-Income Countries (LMICs), compounded by the COVID-19 economic recession, threatening to crowd out essential health spending. In 2019, 54 LMICs spent more on servicing their debt to foreign creditors than on financing their health services. While development loans may have positive effects on population health, the ensuing debt servicing requirements may have detrimental effects on health through constrained fiscal space for government health spending. However, the existing evidence is inadequate for an understanding of whether, and if so how and under what circumstances, debt may constrain government health spending. We call for more research on the impacts of debt on health financing and call on creditors and borrowers to carefully consider the potential impacts of lending on borrower countries' ability to finance their health services.

Background Since 1968, China has trained about 1.5 million barefoot doctors in a few years’ time to provide basic health services to 0.8 billion rural population. China’s Ministry of Health stopped using the term of barefoot doctor in 1985, and changed policy to develop village doctors. Since then, village doctors have kept on playing an irreplaceable role in China’s rural health, even though the number of village doctors has fluctuated over the years and they face serious challenges. United Nations declared Sustainable Development Goals in 2015 to achieve universal health coverage by 2030. Under this context, development of Community Health workers (CHWs) has become an emerging policy priority in many resource-poor developing countries. China’s experiences and lessons learnt in developing and maintaining village doctors may be useful for these developing countries. Methods This paper aims to synthesis lessons learnt from the Chinese CHW experiences. It summarizes China’s experiences in exploring and using strategic partnership between the community and the formal health system to develop CHWs in the two stages, the barefoot doctor stage (1968 –1985) and the village doctor stage (1985-now). Chinese and English literature were searched from PubMed, CNKI and Wanfang. The information extracted from the selected articles were synthesized according to the four partnership strategies for communities and health system to support CHW development, namely 1) joint ownership and design of CHW programmes; 2) collaborative supervision and constructive feedback; 3) a balanced package of incentives, both financial and non-financial; and 4) a practical monitoring system incorporating data from the health system and community. Results The study found that the townships and villages provided an institutional basis for barefoot doctor policy, while the formal health system, including urban hospitals, county health schools, township health centers, and mobile medical teams provided training to the barefoot doctors. But After 1985, the formal health system played a more dominant role in the CHW system including both selection and training of village doctors. China applied various mechanisms to compensate village doctors in different stages. During 1960s and 1970s, the main income source of barefoot doctors was from their villages’ collective economy. After 1985 when the rural collective economy collapsed and barefoot doctors were transformed to village doctors, they depended on user fees, especially from drug sale revenues. In the new century, especially after the new round of health system reform in 2009, government subsidy has become an increasing source of village doctors’ income. Conclusion The barefoot doctor policy has played a significant role in providing basic human resources for health and basic health services to rural populations when rural area had great shortages of health resources. The key experiences for this great achievement are the intersection between the community and the formal health system, and sustained and stable financial compensation to the community health workers.

A recently-published paper by Wickremasinghe et al assesses the scalability of pilot projects in three countries using the aid effectiveness agenda as an analytical framework. The authors report uneven progress and recommend applying aid effectiveness principles to improve the scalability of projects. This commentary focuses on one key principle of aid effectiveness - country ownership; it describes difficulties in defining and achieving it, and provides practical steps donors and recipient governments can take to move forward towards country ownership.

Controlled human malaria infection (CHMI) studies, i.e. the deliberate infection of healthy volunteers with malaria parasites to study immune response and/or test drug or vaccine efficacy, are increasingly being conducted in malaria endemic countries, including in sub-Saharan Africa. However, there have been few studies on the perceptions and acceptability of CHMI by the local communities. This qualitative study assessed the perception and acceptability of such studies in The Gambia following the first CHMI study conducted in the country in March–May 2018. Data were collected through non-participant observation, in-depth interviews and focus group discussions and analyzed using NVivo 12 software with an inductive-deductive approach. Sixty-seven participants were involved, including volunteers enrolled in the CHMI, community stakeholders and members of the Gambian Ethics Committee. Respondents expressed a positive view about CHMI. Key motivating factors for participation were the financial compensation, comprehensive health checks, and willingness to support malaria research. Risks associated with participation were considered low. Concerns raised included the frequency of bleeding and the blood volume collected.

IntroductionThe need to rapidly identify safe and efficacious drug therapies for COVID-19 has resulted in the implementation of multiple clinical trials investigating potential treatment options. These are being undertaken in an unprecedented research environment and at a higher speed than ever before. It is unclear how West African communities perceive such activities and how such perceptions influence participation in COVID-19 clinical trials. This qualitative study was conducted to assess the level of acceptability of a clinical trial on the prevention and treatment of COVID-19 in The Gambia and identify strategies to better engage communities in participating in such a trial.MethodsData were collected using digitally recorded semistructured interviews (SSIs) and focus group discussions (FGDs) in Brikama and Kanifing local government areas. These are two of the most densely populated administrative subdivisions in The Gambia, where the clinical trial was to be implemented by the MRC Unit The Gambia. 26 men and 22 women aged between 19 and 70 years, with diverse socioeconomic profiles, participated in 8 FGDs (n=36) and 12 SSIs (n=12). Thematic analysis was used to analyse the data.ResultsFear of stigmatisation of patients with COVID-19 was a recurring theme in most FGDs and SSIs, with detrimental effects on willingness to accept COVID-19 testing and home visits to follow up patients with COVID-19 and their household contacts. Preserving the privacy of individuals enrolled in the study was key to potentially increase trial participation. Trust in the implementing institution and its acknowledged expertise were facilitators to accepting the administration of investigational products to sick individuals and their close contacts.ConclusionCOVID-19 is a stigmatising disease. Developing a research–participant collaboration through an ongoing engagement with community members is crucial to a successful enrolment in COVID-19 clinical trials. Trust and acknowledged expertise of the implementing institution are key facilitators to foster such collaboration.

Introduction Infectious disease epidemics pose a threat to reproductive, maternal, newborn and child health (RMNCH) both directly—by worsening women’s and children’s health outcomes—and indirectly—by reducing their access to services.1–4 Greater investment is therefore needed to mitigate the negative effects of COVID-19 and avoid a reversal of recent gains in RMNCH coverage and outcomes.1 However, COVID-19 has reduced household and government budgets,5 and there are concerns about the extent to which resources have been diverted away from RMNCH.1 Alongside domestic government financing and household out-of-pocket expenditure, aid plays a substantial role in funding RMNCH services in many countries. In 2018, for example, aid accounted for 25% of current health expenditure in the 45 least developed countries.6 Across the 23 countries with RMNCH expenditure estimates for 2018, aid accounted for a median of 22% of RMNCH expenditure, ranging from <1% in Namibia and the Seychelles up to 64% of child health and 84% of reproductive and maternal health expenditure in South Sudan.6 Yet, aid is volatile,7 subject to changing political priorities and not always responsive to needs.6 Global economic crises can lead to reduced aid levels and change the nature and sources of funding.8 Tracking disbursements of aid for RMNCH is therefore important for holding donors accountable for their commitments, including before, during and after crises. Panels show trends in aid for RMNCH: (A) disaggregated by donor, including both direct bilateral disbursements and core contributions to multilateral institutions from the top 10 largest donors over the time period and other bilateral and private donors; (B) disaggregated by type of donor deciding the purpose and recipient of the disbursement; (C) disaggregated by aid for child health, for maternal and newborn health and for the reproductive health of non-pregnant women; and (D) disaggregated by the World Bank country income group classification for recipient countries and regional and unspecified recipients. The approach is thus not designed to produce estimates of aid for RMNCH and donors report inconsistently, limiting its usefulness for aid tracking, despite the apparent advantages of individually categorising each aid activity.14 The Institute for Health Metrics and Evaluation (IHME) produces estimates of development assistance for health, which it disaggregates by health area, including reproductive and maternal health and neonatal and child health.15 IHME’s approach

Background China has made remarkable progress in scaling up essential services during the last six decades, making health care increasingly available in rural areas. This was partly achieved through the building of a three-tier health system in the 1950s, established as a linked network with health service facilities at county, township and village level, to extend services to the whole population. Methods We developed a Theory of Change to chart the policy context, contents and mechanisms that may have facilitated the establishment of the three-tier health service delivery system in rural China. We systematically synthesized the best available evidence on how China achieved universal access to essential services in resource-scarce rural settings, with a particular emphasis on the experiences learned before the 1980s, when the country suffered a particularly acute lack of resources. Results The search identified only three peered-reviewed articles that fit our criteria for scientific rigor. We therefore drew extensively on government policy documents, and triangulated them with other publications and key informant interviews. We found that China’s three-tier health service delivery system was established in response to acute health challenges, including high fertility and mortality rates. Health system resources were extremely low in view of the needs and insufficient to extend access to even basic care. With strong political commitment to rural health and a “health-for-all” policy vision underlying implementation, a three-tier health service delivery model connecting villages, townships and counties was quickly established. We identified several factors that contributed to the success of the three-tier system in China: a realistic health human resource development strategy, use of mass campaigns as a vehicle to increase demand, an innovative financing mechanisms, public-private partnership models in the early stages of scale up, and an integrated approach to service delivery. An implementation process involving gradual adaptation and incorporation of the lessons learnt was also essential. Conclusions China’s 60 year experience in establishing a de-professionalized, community-based, health service delivery model that is economically feasible, institutionally and culturally appropriate mechanism can be useful to other low- and middle-income countries (LMICs) seeking to extend essential services. Lessons can be drawn from both reform content and from its implementation pathway, identifying the political, institutional and contextual factors shaping the three-tier delivery model over time.

Background Countdown to 2015 (Countdown) supported countries to produce case studies that examine how and why progress was made toward the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) 4 and 5. Analysing how health-financing data explains improvements in RMNCH outcomes was one of the components to the case studies. Methods This paper presents a descriptive analysis on health financing from six Countdown case studies (Afghanistan, Ethiopia, Malawi, Pakistan, Peru, and Tanzania), supplemented by additional data from global databases and country reports on macroeconomic, health financing, demographic, and RMNCH outcome data as needed. It also examines the effect of other contextual factors presented in the case studies to help interpret health-financing data. Results Dramatic increases in health funding occurred since 2000, where the MDG agenda encouraged countries and donors to invest more resources on health. Most low-income countries relied on external support to increase health spending, with an average 20–64 % of total health spending from 2000 onwards. Middle-income countries relied more on government and household spending. RMNCH funding also increased since 2000, with an average increase of 119 % (2005–2010) for RMNH expenditures (2005–2010) and 165 % for CH expenditures (2005–2011). Progress was made, especially achieving MDG 4, even with low per capita spending; ranging from US$16 to US$44 per child under 5 years among low-income countries. Improvements in distal factors were noted during the time frame of the analysis, including rapid economic growth in Ethiopia, Peru, and Tanzania and improvements in female literacy as documented in Malawi, which are also likely to have contributed to MDG progress and achievements. Conclusions Increases in health and RMNCH funding accompanied improvements in outcomes, though low-income countries are still very reliant on external financing, and out-of-pocket comprising a growing share of funds in middle-income settings. Enhancements in tracking RMNCH expenditures across countries are still needed to better understand whether domestic and global health financing initiatives lead to improved outcomes as RMNCH continues to be a priority under the Sustainable Development Goals.

BackgroundIn 2015, 5.3 million babies died in the third trimester of pregnancy and first month following birth. Progress in reducing neonatal mortality and stillbirth rates has lagged behind the substantial progress in reducing postneonatal and maternal mortality rates. The benefits to prenatal and neonatal health (PNH) from maternal and child health investments cannot be assumed.MethodsWe analysed donor funding for PNH over the period 2003–2013. We used an exhaustive key term search followed by manual review and classification to identify official development assistance and private grant (ODA+) disbursement records in the Countdown to 2015 ODA+ Database.ResultsThe value of ODA+ mentioning PNH or an activity that would directly benefit PNH increased from $105 million in 2003 to $1465 million in 2013, but this included a 3% decline between 2012 and 2013. Projects exclusively benefitting PNH reached just $6 million in 2013. Records mentioning PNH accounted for 3% of the $2708 million disbursed in 2003 for maternal, newborn and child health (MNCH) and increased to 13% of the $9287 million disbursed for MNCH in 2013. In 11 years, only nine records ($6 million) mentioned stillbirth, miscarriage, or the fetus, although the two leading infectious causes of stillbirth were mentioned in records worth $832 million. The USA disbursed the most ODA+ mentioning PNH ($2848 million, 40% of the total) and Unicef disbursed the most ODA+ exclusively benefitting PNH ($18 million, 30%). We found evidence that funding mentioning and exclusively benefitting PNH was targeted to countries with greater economic needs, but the evidence of targeting to health needs was weak and inconsistent.ConclusionsNewborn health rose substantially on the global agenda between 2003 and 2013, but prenatal health received minimal attention in donor funding decisions. Declines in 2013 and persistently low funding exclusively benefitting PNH indicate a need for caution and continued monitoring of donors' support for newborn health.