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Studies of demand-side populism with a focus on attitudinal and behavioral factors are becoming more popular, but only a few have explored the phenomenon's psychological determinants. We tackle the lack of conversation between populism scholars and political psychologists and test the impact of conspiracy beliefs, moral disengagement, need for cognition, and belief in simple solutions on populist attitudes. We use the most widespread ideational definition in an attempt to bring clarity to demand-side populism, as the literature often conflates the concept of populism with adjacent ideological and psychological factors. We analyze representative samples from two very different countries (Italy and Turkey) to test our hypotheses. We use two of the most oftenused measures of populist attitudes and also explore populism's individual building blocks: people-centrism, antielitism, and a Manichean worldview. We consistently find conspiracy beliefs (and our control variable of institutional trust) as primary sources of populist attitudes, whereas the impact of the other psychological factors is more dependent on context and operationalization. Our article calls for more conceptual clarity, careful theorization, and more work on the refinement of available survey measures. We also highlight the importance of national contexts and the dangers of generalization based on individual country studies.

In the literature on political support, much empirical effort has been devoted to the link between economic performance and satisfaction with democracy. Nevertheless, analyses are often inconclusive in their findings. This study tries to renew the interest in the topic by using multilevel models to analyse 108 surveys from the repeated cross-sectional Eurobarometer data between 1985 and 2013, and focuses on southern European countries which share political and economic characteristics. Thus, the article links economic trends to changes in satisfaction with democracy in Greece, Italy, Portugal and Spain, also emphasizing the relevance of transformations in their political systems. The results demonstrate that low economic performance seems to negatively affect citizens’ satisfaction with democracy in the four countries and across the whole period analysed. This also holds true for different model specifications and when other potential factors such as the format and the performance of the institutional context are controlled for. By providing empirical evidence based on a longitudinal analysis, this article contributes to the wider debate on how economic conditions influence opinions about democracy.

The emergence of new challenger parties calls for a reassessment of the party-model of opinion formation by examining different sources of cues across types of voters and the conditions that make cueing more effective. Although new challenger parties may lack sufficient time to develop identification with groups and distinctive party reputations, they may still provide effective cues and reduce their competitive disadvantage in developing affective social identity ties. This article investigates this argument by assessing the impact of party and leader cues on voters from mainstream and challenger parties and examining how expressive partisanship (partisan social identities) and instrumental partisanship (party competence evaluations) moderate these effects. Utilizing data from a survey experiment conducted in Spain during a period of party system restructuring, we find similar cueing effects across party and leader cues when comparing voters of both mainstream and challenger parties. Additionally, contrary to our expectations, we observe that cueing effects for mainstream party voters combine expressive and instrumental reasoning, while those for new challenger party voters are driven by perceptions of party competence reputation only. These findings challenge the prevailing belief that familiarity and time enhance cueing effects. They also deviate from socio-psychological approaches that emphasize the emotional and identity components of partisanship in strengthening cueing effects.

The article offers an overview of the use of survey experiments in political research by relying on available examples, bibliographic data and a content analysis of experimental manuscripts published in leading academic journals over the last two decades. After a short primer to the experimental approach, we discuss the development, applications and potential problems to internal and external validity in survey experimentation. The article also provides original examples, contrasting a traditional factorial and a more innovative conjoint design, to show how survey experiments can be used to test theory on relevant political topics. The main challenges and possibilities encountered in envisaging, planning and implementing survey experiments are examined. The article outlines the merits, limits and implications of the use of the experimental method in political research.

This article explores how populist attitudes are correlated with foreign policy postures at the public level in four European countries: France, Germany, Great Britain, and Italy. We provide first evidence adjudicating between two rivalling perspectives. One perspective focuses on the ideational core of populism and argues that it entails substantive beliefs and values that may inform foreign policy preferences – just like any other ideology. Another perspective focuses on the thin-centredness of populism and argues that no policy implications can be derived from populist ideas. Analysing original survey data, we find strong and consistent associations of populist attitudes with two foreign policy postures, militant internationalism and isolationism, and weaker and less systematic associations with two others, cooperative internationalism and global justice orientations. Importantly, these patterns are independent of host ideologies. We discuss the implications of these findings for the question of how “thick” populism is and what that may mean for the politics of (European) foreign policies in times of a continuing populist Zeitgeist.

The datasets on the Italian political class provides two sets of information: (a) census data on a broad spectrum of individual-level variables on elected politicians, offering an updated mapping of the characteristics of more than 20,000 Italian representatives at all governmental levels; (b) survey data on politicians' attitudes towards elections, participation, public opinion, several national and international policy issues, and their views of political representation. Between September 2020 and January 2021, 2134 elected politicians at the local (n = 1917), regional (n = 128), national (n = 75) and European (n = 14) levels were interviewed, making this one of the largest surveys of the Italian political elites ever conducted and a valuable resource for researchers interested in the study of democratic representation.

Innumeracy, that is, the inability to deal with numbers and provide correct estimates about political issues, is reported to be widespread among the public. Yet, despite the recognition that a conspiracy mindset is an increasingly common phenomenon in Western democracies, this has not been considered as a potential correlate of innumeracy. Using data from an online sample of respondents across 10 European countries, we show that those with a higher propensity to hold a conspiracy worldview tend to overestimate the actual share of the immigrant population living in their own country. This association holds true when accounting for country heterogeneity and other cognitive, affective and socio-demographic factors. Employing a comparative design and refined measurements, the article contributes to our understanding of how a conspiracy mentality may influence perceptions of relevant political facts, questioning basic processes of democratic accountability.

The Igarapé Bahia Cu–Au deposit in the Carajás Province, Brazil, is hosted by steeply dipping metavolcano-sedimentary rocks of the Igarapé Bahia Group. This group consists of a low greenschist grade unit of the Archean (∼2,750 Ma) Itacaiúnas Supergroup, in which other important Cu–Au and iron ore deposits of the Carajás region are also hosted. The orebody at Igarapé Bahia is a fragmental rock unit situated between chloritized basalt, with associated hyaloclastite, banded iron formation (BIF), and chert in the footwall and mainly coarse- to fine-grained turbidites in the hanging wall. The fragmental rock unit is a nearly concordant, 2 km long and 30–250 m thick orebody made up of heterolithic, usually matrix-supported rocks composed mainly of coarse basalt, BIF, and chert clasts derived from the footwall unit. Mineralization is confined to the fine-grained matrix and comprises disseminated to massive chalcopyrite accompanied by magnetite, gold, U- and light rare earth element (LREE)-minerals, and minor other sulfides like bornite, molybdenite, cobaltite, digenite, and pyrite. Gangue minerals include siderite, chlorite, amphibole, tourmaline, quartz, stilpnomelane, epidote, and apatite. A less important mineralization style at Igarapé Bahia is represented by late quartz–chalcopyrite–calcite veins that crosscut all rocks in the deposit area. Fluid inclusions trapped in a quartz cavity in the ore unit indicate that saline aqueous fluids (5 to 45 wt% NaCl + CaCl 2 equiv), together with carbonic (CO 2  ± CH 4 ) and low-salinity aqueous carbonic (6 wt% NaCl equiv) fluids, were involved in the mineralization process. Carbonates from the fragmental layer have δ 13 C values from −6.7 to −13.4 per mil that indicate their origin from organic and possibly also from magmatic carbon. The δ 34 S values for chalcopyrite range from −1.1 to 5.6 per mil with an outlier at −10.8 per mil, implying that most sulfur is magmatic or leached from magmatic rocks, whereas a limited contribution of reduced and oxydized sulfur is also evident. Oxygen isotopic ratios in magnetite, quartz, and siderite yield calculated temperatures of ∼400°C and δ 18 O-enriched compositions (5 to 16.5 per mil) for the ore-forming fluids that suggest a magmatic input and/or an interaction with 18 O-rich, probably sedimentary rocks. The late veins of the Igarapé Bahia deposit area were formed from saline aqueous fluids (2 to 60 wt% NaCl + CaCl 2 equiv) with δ 18 O fluid compositions around 0 per mil that indicate contribution from meteoric fluids. With respect to geological features, Igarapé Bahia bears similarity with syngenetic, volcanic-hosted massive sulfide (VHMS)-type deposits, as indicated by the volcano-sedimentary geological context, stratabound character, and association with submarine volcanic flows, hyaloclastite, and exhalative beds such as BIF and chert. On the other hand, the highly saline ore fluids and the mineral assemblage, dominated by magnetite and chalcopyrite, with associated gold, U- and LREE-minerals and scarce pyrite, indicate that Igarapé Bahia belongs to the Fe oxide Cu–Au (IOCG) group of deposits. The available geochronologic data used to attest syngenetic or epigenetic origins for the mineralization are either imprecise or may not represent the main mineralization episode but a later, superimposed event. The C, S, and O isotopic results obtained in this study do not clearly discriminate between fluid sources. However, recent B isotope data obtained on tourmaline from the matrix of the fragmental rock ore unit (Xavier, Wiedenbeck, Dreher, Rhede, Monteiro, Araújo, Chemical and boron isotopic composition of tourmaline from Archean and Paleoproterozoic Cu–Au deposits in the Carajás Mineral Province , 1° Simpósio Brasileiro de Metalogenia, Gramado, Brazil, extended abstracts, CD-ROM, 2005) provide strong evidence of the involvement of a marine evaporitic source in the hydrothermal system of Igarapé Bahia. Evaporite-derived fluids may explain the high salinities and the low reduced sulfur mineral paragenesis observed in the deposit. Evaporite-derived fluids also exclude a significant participation of magmatic or mantle-derived fluids, reinforcing the role of nonmagmatic brines in the genesis of Igarapé Bahia. Considering this aspect and the geological features, the possibility that the deposit was generated by a hydrothermal submarine system whose elevated salinity was acquired by leaching of ancient evaporite beds should be evaluated.

Dos keros de madera del Museo Quyllur Ñan de Vinchina están registrados con una localización genérica del área de procedencia del NOA, desconociéndose otros datos, como no sea que ingresaron juntos a la colección. Decorados con diseños de motivos geométricos incisos, e inciso con color negro por aplicación de pintura en uno de los keros, se adscriben al Período Inka regional.Estos vasos libatorios conformarían el consabido par «gemelo» ceremonial, presentando franjas decoradas horizontales en el tercio superior de sus cuerpos con motivos incisos semejantes, difiriendo el diseño, vertical, de la franja inferior, que ocupa dos tercios del cuerpo.