Search Results Heading

MBRLSearchResults

mbrl.module.common.modules.added.book.to.shelf
Title added to your shelf!
View what I already have on My Shelf.
Oops! Something went wrong.
Oops! Something went wrong.
While trying to add the title to your shelf something went wrong :( Kindly try again later!
Are you sure you want to remove the book from the shelf?
Oops! Something went wrong.
Oops! Something went wrong.
While trying to remove the title from your shelf something went wrong :( Kindly try again later!
    Done
    Filters
    Reset
  • Discipline
      Discipline
      Clear All
      Discipline
  • Is Peer Reviewed
      Is Peer Reviewed
      Clear All
      Is Peer Reviewed
  • Series Title
      Series Title
      Clear All
      Series Title
  • Reading Level
      Reading Level
      Clear All
      Reading Level
  • Year
      Year
      Clear All
      From:
      -
      To:
  • More Filters
      More Filters
      Clear All
      More Filters
      Content Type
    • Item Type
    • Is Full-Text Available
    • Subject
    • Country Of Publication
    • Publisher
    • Source
    • Target Audience
    • Donor
    • Language
    • Place of Publication
    • Contributors
    • Location
223 result(s) for "McCormack, Gavan"
Sort by:
The State of the Japanese State
Gavan McCormack’s latest work argues that Abe Shinzo’s efforts to re-engineer the Japanese state may fail, but his radicalism continues to shake the country and have consequences not easy to predict. Its significance will be recognized by those researching contemporary world politics, international relations and the history of modern Japan.
الإمبريالية اليابانية
يتناول كتاب (الإمبريالية اليابانية) والذي قاما بتأليفه (جون هاليداي، غافان ماكورماك) في حوالي (264) صفحة من القطع المتوسط موضوع (اقتصاديات اليابان) مستعرضا المحتويات التالية : مقدمة الترجمة العربية، مقدمة المؤلفين، الفصل الأول : اليابان وأمريكا، الفصل الثاني : اليابان وجنوب شرق آسيا، الفصل الثالث : المسألة العسكرية، الفصل الرابع : اليابان والصين، الفصل الخامس : محور طوكيو-تايبه-سيؤول 1965-1972، الفصل السادس : الإمبريالية تهيمن في الداخل أيضا، الفصل السابع : استنتاجات، ملاحق.
The State of the Japanese State
In this his latest work, Gavan McCormack argues that Abe Shinzo's efforts to re-engineer the Japanese state may fail, but his radicalism continues to shake the country and will have consequences not easy now to predict. The significance of this book will be widely recognized, particularly by those researching contemporary world politics, international relations and the history of modern Japan. The author here revisits and reassesses his previous formulations of Japan as construction state (doken kokka), client state (zokkoku), constitutional pacifist state, and colonial state (especially in its relationship to Okinawa). He adds a further chapter on what he calls the 'Rampant State', that outlines the increasingly authoritarian or ikkyo (one strong) turn of the Abe government in the sixth year of its second term. And he critically addresses the Abe agenda for constitutional revision. In his Preface, McCormack writes: 'Readers may be surprised at how dark are the hues in which, by and large, I paint my picture. I find myself wishing I could be more roseate, but the fact is that in my fifty-six years of engagement with Japan, I have never felt such foreboding over the country's present and future course.'
The State of the Japanese State
In this, his latest work, Gavan McCormack argues that Abe Shinzo’s efforts to re-engineer the Japanese state may fail, but his radicalism continues to shake the country and will have consequences not easy now to predict. The significance of this book will be widely recognized, particularly by those researching contemporary world politics, international relations and the history of modern Japan. McCormack here revisits and reassesses his previous formulations of Japan as construction state (doken kokka), client state (zokkoku), constitutional pacifist state, and colonial state (especially in its relationship to Okinawa). He adds a further chapter on what he calls the ‘rampant state’, that outlines the increasingly authoritarian or ikkyo (one strong) turn of the Abe government in the fifth year of its second term. And he critically addresses the Abe agenda for constitutional revision.
Democracy in Contemporary Japan
This title was first published in 1986: This is a study of \"karayuki-san\", impoverished Japanese women sent abroad to work as prostitutes from the 1860s to the 1920s. It follows the life of one prostitute, Osaki, who is persuaded as a child of ten to accept cleaning work in Borneo and then forced to work as a prostitute in a brothel. This is a pioneering work on \"karayuki-san\", impoverished Japanese women sent abroad to work as prostitutes from the 1860s to the 1920s. The narrative follows the life of one such prostitute, Osaki, who is persuaded as a child of ten to accept cleaning work in Sandakan, North Borneo, and then forced to work as a prostitute in a Japanese brothel, one of the many such brothels that were established throughout Asia in conjunction with the expansion of Japanese business interests. Yamazaki views Osaki as the embodiment of the suffering experienced by all Japanese women, who have long been oppressed under the dual yoke of class and gender. This tale provides the historical and anthropological context for understanding the sexual exploitation of Asian women before and during the Pacific War and for the growing flesh trade in Southeast Asia and Japan today. Young women are being brought to Japan with the same false promises that enticed Osaki to Borneo 80 years ago. Yamazaki Tomoko, who herself endured many economic and social hardships during and after the war, has devoted her life to documenting the history of the exchange of women between Japan and other Asian countries since 1868. She has worked directly with \"karayuki-san\", military comfort women, war orphans, repatriates, women sent as picture brides to China and Manchuria, Asian women who have wed into Japanese farming communities, and Japanese women married to other Asians in Japan. \"Sandakan Hachiban Shokan\" received the Fourth Oya Shoichi Prize for Non-Fiction Literature and it has been translated into Korean and Chinese, and a movie based on it, \"Sandakan Hachiban Shokan Boyoko\", was produced by Kumai Kei in 1974.
Japan's \Positive Pacifism\: Issues of Historical Memory in Contemporary Foreign Policy
Prime Minister Shinzo Abe has shown himself to be a staunch defender of the US-Japanese relationship and of US interests, resolved to place Japan's Self Defense Forces at US disposal and to construct large new military facilities for them on US as well as Japanese soil. Yet he refuses to accommodate US pressures over identity and history or to concede that there is anything to negotiate with neighboring countries over territorial disputes. As a result, Japan faces intensifying friction not only with its neighbors but also with the US. Assistant Secretary of State for East Asian and Pacific Affairs Daniel Russel spoke of the significant challenge the US faced in helping Japan to deal with historical issues that create tensions, and even estrangement sometimes, with its neighbors. A sovereign nation would never seek help in deciding how to interpret its own history, however, and in this case, reflecting the peculiarity of the US-Japan relationship, by helping Russel appeared to mean something more akin to exacting submission.
The Client State
THE CONDITION OF Japan, happy to have parts of its territory under military occupation by a protector, anxious to satisfy that state's demands across multiple policy areas, and determined at all costs to avoid offending it, is the phenomenon for which in 2007 I began to use the term “client state.” It is a term I apply to the US-Japan relationship, but is applicable likewise to other US relationships because the truth is that the US does not admit of “equality” in its relations with any state, and that “allies” tend to be appreciated for their servility even if it means becoming known in their own countries as “poodles.” Thus the phenomenon of the zokkoku, the dependent, servile or “Client State” syndrome.The “client state” is characterized by the fact that submission is deliberately chosen and formal sovereignty is not in question. Independence and democratic responsibility are combined with deliberately chosen submission, such that the relationship is to be described only by oxymoronic terms such as “dependent independence” or “servile sovereignty.” I propose a definition of “Client State” that distinguishes it from other, forms of colonial, conquered, directly dominated, or neo-colonial territory as:“A state that enjoys the formal trappings of Westphalian sovereignty and independence, and is therefore neither a colony nor a puppet state, but which has internalized the requirement to give preference to ‘other’ interests over its own.”Such a state pays meticulous attention to adopting and pursuing policies that will satisfy its patron, and readily pays whatever price necessary to be sure that the patron not abandon it. As one scholar puts it, “‘servitude’ is no longer just a necessary means but is happily embraced and borne. ‘Spontaneous freedom’ becomes indistinguishable from ‘spontaneous servitude’.”At that time, my term “Client State” (in Japanese Zokkoku) was a shocking deviation from mainstream Western and academic writing, although I had in fact borrowed the term from former Chief Cabinet Secretary Gotoda Masaharu, a pillar of conservatism. It still seemed shocking because it touched a taboo about the origin and character of the state system. It was grim satisfaction, five years on, to find my thesis confirmed in a best-seller by a senior figure from the Japanese bureaucratic establishment, Magosaki Ukeru, former head of the Intelligence and Analysis Bureau of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.
The Improbable Package
JAPAN IS INTERNATIONALLY known as a safe, stable, friendly, and comfortable society, in a prosperous and democratic state. Yet this book argues that that benign and stable surface covers deep-seated contradictions. Under the Abe Shinzo government (2006–2007, 2012-), military expansion is a top government priority, the erratic Trump administration in the United States has no more faithful and uncritical follower, major bills are forcefully pushed through the Diet taking advantage of the government's majority and evading or cutting debate, hate speech proliferates, civic protest is, on occasion, savagely suppressed, the door is shut in the face of refugees, Muslims are subjected to the sort of surveillance that even in the US is forbidden, and so on.In this second decade of the 21st century, both Japan and the United States find themselves under governments committed to significant institutional change. Both aspire to “greatness,” the one to attain it and the other to regain it. The Abe government of Abe Shinzo was elected in 2012 on a mandate to “shed the post-war” and “take back the country” and the Donald Trump government in Washington was elected in November 2016 promising “to make America great again” and to restore “America first.” Abe's Japanese government rested on the improbable combination of commitments: to “shrug off the husk of the post-war state” and “recover Japan's independence,” even while taking steps to integrate Japan's military forces under US command and freed for global service in the US cause, and to adopt trade, finance, and industrial policies to meet US demands and pressures (despite the fact of the Trump administration ultimately rejecting the TPP or Trans-Pacific Partnership project).In October 2017, by a large majority, Abe and his government was returned to office once again in national elections with a “super-majority” (in excess of two-thirds) in the National Diet. Much as it seemed in the early days of the Trump administration that Abe had accomplished a remarkable personal rapport with him, it remained to be seen how Abe's “beautiful Japan” would fit within Trump's “America First.”THE IMPROBABLE PACKAGE – IMPERIAL, PACIFIST, DEMOCRATICIn exploring the nature of the early 21st century Japanese state, I return to some of the central propositions I have developed in the past, including that of Japan as “client state,” “construction state,” “colonial state” (in relation to Okinawa), constitutional democracy and constitutional pacifist state.