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Every spy a prince : the complete history of Israel's intelligence community
\"This book appeared in slightly different form in England under the title The imperfect spies, copyright 1989\"--T.p. verso.
Book
FINALLY, JORDAN AND ISRAEL MOVE TALKS FROM THE CLOSET TO THE NEGOTIATING TABLE
On Monday, Israeli and Jordanian officials met in an air-condition tent on their border, 10 miles north of the Red Sea. It was the first public meeting between negotiators of the two countries, which officially are still in a state of war. Two days later, the Jordanian and Israeli foreign ministers met in a hotel on the Jordanian side of the Dead Sea. Once again, it was the first time that such a high-level meeting publicly took place. King Hussein has more \"Israeli hours\" than any other Arab ruler, including the late Egyptian president Anwar Sadat, who was the first Arab statesman to sign a peace treaty with Israel, 15 years ago. Since 1963 the king, his brother Crown Prince Hassan, their ministers, generals and intelligence chiefs have secretly met with their Israeli counterparts. The Hashemite ruler has seen most Israeli leaders, including Golda Meir, Gen. Moshe Dayan, Shimon Peres and even Yitzhak Shamir, the former right wing and hawkish prime minister. Some of the locations for the confidential encounters were exotic. Some meetings were in the London clinic of Dr. Herbert Emmanuel, the king's personal physician. One meeting occurred aboard an Israeli missile boat in the Red Sea, with Israeli secret agents posing as waiters and serving food and beverages. The Mossad, Israel's foreign espionage arm, recorded and videotaped the clandestine meetings. Occasionally tapes were shown to Israeli cabinet ministers who did not have the honor of meeting the monarch.
Newspaper Article
Every spy a prince : the complete history of Israel's intelligence community
A history of Israel's intelligence community.
Book
FACING UP TO ISRAEL AS AN OPPRESSOR
As Israeli troops withdrew from the Gaza Strip and the West Bank town of Jericho last week after 27 years of occupation, enabling a million jubilant Palestinians to begin establishing self rule, I recalled the terrified eyes of a middle-aged inhabitant there. It was three years after the 1967 war in which Israel took over Gaza along with the West Bank, Golan Heights and the Sinai peninsula. I was then, in the winter of 1970, a young conscript serving in the poverty-stricken Gaza area, with a special forces unit of the Israeli army. Our mission was to patrol the streets of the shantytowns and refugee camps. Like my platoon comrades, I wholeheartedly believed in our cause. We knew that the Arab states had imposed the war against us and that the Palestinian inhabitants of Gaza hated us. We saw in each of them, including children and women, a potential terrorist who is constantly contemplating killing us. This was my simple, one-dimensional view until I looked into the eyes of this particular Palestinian.
Newspaper Article
FOR ISRAEL, A TIME TO REIN IN TERROR
The massacre last week of dozens of Palestinian worshipers at the Tomb of the Patriarchs in the West Bank town of Hebron by a Jewish settler urgently calls for a strong and dramatic reaction. Condolence, apology and condemnation as publicly expressed by Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin and privately in a phone conversation with the PLO chairman Yasser Arafat, are no longer sufficient. The Israeli government, which under international law is legally responsible for the occupied territories and the protection of a Palestinian population numbering 2 million, should now disarm the paramilitary units of Jewish settlers in the area. The killing at the holy site shared by Jews and Muslims was the act of a religiously fanatical lone gunman. It was carried out by Baruch Goldstein, an American Jew, who emigrated to Israel 11 years ago to follow his leader, the late American rabbi Meir Kahane. Before his murder in 1991 by Muslim fundamentalists, Kahane had led a small group of followers who advocated the expulsion of Arabs from Israel.
Newspaper Article
Why Israel May Show Its Nuclear Hand
Israeli leaders on the right and left have for some time shared the belief that the Iraqi President, Saddam Hussein, hides a personal agenda of historical dimensions. As Iraq's troops consolidate their control in Kuwait, Israeli strategists are more convinced than ever that President Hussein's ultimate goal is not just the rich oil fields of the Persian Gulf but Israel itself. Maj. Gen. Avihu Bin-Nun, commander of Israel's Air Force, said Israel would inflict severe damage on Iraq if it attacked the Jewish state. Eliyahu Ben-Elissar, head of Parliament's Defense and Foreign Affairs Committee, warned: ''Iraq, after the first use of a missile, won't be the same Iraq any more. President Hussein will lose control in a split second.'' If Jerusalem does choose to break its silence on nuclear weapons, what might it divulge? The London-based International Institute for Strategic Studies said Israel could possess as many as 100 nuclear warheads. But governments in Jerusalem have stated repeatedly that ''Israel will not be the first to introduce nuclear weapons into the Middle East.''
Newspaper Article
ROAD TO PEACE IN GAZA HAS BEEN A SLOW, STEADY CLIMB
I still vividly remember how, as a teenager, while walking in downtown Tel Aviv, I witnessed a small demonstration. The protesters, no more than 30, were waving banners that called in Hebrew and Arabic for an Israeli return to \"political sanity\" and for reconciliation with the Palestinian people. As the police instructed the demonstrators to disperse, bystanders applauded. No wonder-the protesters belonged to a few small leftist organizations advocating an Israeli withdrawal from the West Bank and Gaza Strip. The peace groups were so unpopular that some of their names became almost synonymous with treason. The demonstration took place 26 years ago, only a few weeks after the Israeli army won a war that had been imposed on Israel by neighboring Arab states. In the days before the June 1967 war, as the Arab armies were encircling the Israeli borders, Israelis' sense of security and self-confidence was very fragile. Its very existence during those days leading to the war seemed to totter. However, as the Six-Day War ended in an Israeli victory, which resulted in the seizing of Arab lands, there was a complete alteration in Israel's mood, from anxiety to euphoria. The Israelis were not in the mood to give the territories back easily, and certainly not for free. Israel wanted peace and secured borders, which would prevent the Arabs from repeating their aggression. But as the years went on, the Arabs-and particularly the Palestinians, who were and still are at the core of the Arab-Israeli conflict-were not ready to pay the price asked by the Israelis.
Newspaper Article