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IntroductionMost previous studies have mainly focused on utilitarian or recreational walking and discussed their relationship with the built environment. The point is that most of these studies have not been sensitive to the motivation of trips while travel is a complicated behavior and individuals may have different degrees of motivation and utility for a given trip purpose. Accordingly, because of different utilities of travel, it is more likely that the built environment differently affects walking behavior.PurposeThis paper aims to clearly distinguish between utilitarian and hedonic walking and then explores how the built environment influences walking behavior.MethodUsing data collected from 863 respondents in six diverse neighborhoods in Isfahan, Iran, we developed negative binomial models for two types of walking; namely, utilitarian and hedonic walking.ResultsThe results reveal some interesting insights: first, both models of walking confirm that neighborhood preferences do not play any important role in explaining walking behavior in our context, inconsistent with previous studies. Second, the objective and perceived built environment factors differently contribute to explaining both types of walking. In this regard, utilitarian walking is affected by mixed land use, residential density, facility accessibility, attractiveness, and walking infrastructure; and hedonic walking is influenced by mixed land use, attractiveness and safety. Third, attitudinal factors and socio-demographic variables also differently appear in the models of walking.ConclusionThe results confirm that it is essential to be more sensitive to the motivation of trips, and suggest a clear policy implication: the individuals’ reactions toward policies intended to increase walking frequency depend partly on the utility for walking.

A sizeable body of literature reveals a strong relationship between mode choice and health status. Therefore, society would benefit from travel if transportation and urban planners motivated more individuals to satisfy their desire for travel by active transportation rather than motorized transportation. Despite rich existing literature about the relations between the built environment and travel, we still need to address some research gaps in explaining travel mode choice. As a shortcoming, identifying and measuring the primary motivations for trips, and then incorporating such motivations into travel mode choice modelling, has received less attention in previous research. In this regard the current paper follows two main goals. It aims to differentiate between trips by determining the main utility of travelers and then analyzes the impact of the built environment measurements and subjective attributes on mode choice decision. Using data from a survey of 515 participants who reside in Isfahan, Iran, we conducted a series of binary logistic models to explore how the built environment influences mode choice decisions for different trips, controlling for socio-economics and subjective attributes. The results show that the number of hedonic trips were sizably more than utilitarian trips. It was found that travel mode choice for utilitarian and hedonic trips is influenced by travel habits and subjective attitudes, but the built environment also matters. Specifically, two built environment characteristics, including density and diversity, can substitute walking/cycling for driving for utilitarian trips. In addition, car use for hedonic trips is not influenced by built environment measurements. It seems that the utility and desire of hedonic driving depends on mode of travel. It is concluded that driving and walking/biking for hedonic and utilitarian trips are not single behaviors and differentiating between trips according to their main utility and considering both objective and subjective attributes helps urban and transportation planners prescribe appropriate spatial and nonspatial strategies to encourage walking/biking.

This paper presents the results of a stated choice study for estimating the Willingness-To-Pay of respondents in four European countries (Belgium, France, Germany and the Netherlands) to reduce the risk of fatal and serious injuries in road crashes. Respondents were confronted with hypothetical route choices that differ in respect of travel costs, travel time and crash risk. The survey was completed by 8,002 respondents, equally spread over the four participating countries and representative for each country with regards to gender, age and region. Possible biases caused by problematic choice behaviour such as inconsistent, irrational or lexicographic answers were addressed. The resulting values were estimated by means of a mixed logit model allowing to account for the panel nature of the data. The Value of a Statistical Life (VSL) was estimated at 6.2 Mill EUR, the Value of a Statistical Serious Injury (VSSI) at 950,000 EUR, and the Value of Time (VoT) at 16.1 EUR/h. Consequently, the relative value of avoiding a fatal injury is estimated to be around 7 times higher than the value of an avoided serious injury. The study revealed differences between countries with France showing values that are significantly lower than the average and Germany showing values that are significantly higher. The estimated VSL values are considerably higher than the values currently used in the four countries, but they are within the range of values found in similar stated choice studies. The results can be used as an input in a broad range of socioeconomic studies including cost-benefit analysis and assessments of socioeconomic costs of road crashes.

The SURCA project (Road user safety and automated driving) has two main objectives. The first is to identify scenarios for interactions between autonomous vehicles and other road users (non-autonomous vehicles, motorised two-whcelers, pedcstrians and cyclists. The second objective is to study how the posture of the occupants (driver and passengers) of a vehicle in autonomous mode affects injury risk. This paper focuses on a description of the project (which is still ongoing) and on its first results, mainly concerning the first objective. The first findings allow us, first of ail, to identify the most relevant accident scenarios (cspecially in terms of accidents) for the introduction of automatcd driving. We have performed a preliminary quantification of the effects of the graduai deployment of autonomous vehicles in traffic on the occurrence of persona! injury accidents. Finally, we will present some initial results on the modelling of how the posture of occupants in vchicles operating in autonomous mode affects their injury risk, and on the analysis of the nccds of eldcrly uscrs and their acceptance of automated vehiclcs.

For a number of years, French local authorities have been pursuing special pricing policies designed to help the most disadvantaged social groups. Schemes vary in different cities, as do the criteria for determining the beneficiaries. This paper shows, however, that notwithstanding the scale of the agreed efforts, the policies' effectiveness has, on the whole, been limited. In addition to the transit system failing to cater to the needs of some segments of the population, low-income workers and the non-registered unemployed remain excluded from the subsidized pricing schemes.

La situation du maître propriétaire de son esclave a trop longtemps été perçue comme un état de supériorité accordant tous les droits à celui-ci et soumettant a contrario la gent servile aux caprices et à la volonté du maître. Une telle vision omet de rapporter que le seruus antillais à l'instar de l'esclave romain constitue avant toute chose le prolongement même de la volonté du maître ; si celui-ci se doit d'obéir ou d'agir en son nom, il expose la responsabilité de son « commettant » aussi bien au civil d'au criminel. Mieux encore, le propriétaire d'esclave(s) peut être poursuivi en raison de son ordre qui contrevient aux règles de la cité ou du bon voisinage soit qu'il ait incité son serviteur à commettre une action « injuste » soit qu'il ait participé de son propre fait, soit que par sa propre négligence il n'ait pas suffisamment contrôlé l'agissement de ses gens. Dans toutes ces hypothèses on peut discerner la trame du droit romain et celle de la vieille loi Aquilia. Et cette résurgence n'est pas sans intérêt pour mieux comprendre la portée du droit esclavagiste dans les possessions françaises d'Amérique à la fin de l'Ancien Régime. La situación del maestro propietario de su esclavo fue demasiado tiempo percibida como un estado de superioridad dando todos los derechos a este y sometiendo a contrario la gente servil a los caprichos y a la voluntad del maestro. Una visión así falta traer a memoria que el seruus antillano de la misma manera que el esclavo romano constituye ante todo la prolongación misma de la personalidad del maestro. Si este debe obedecer u obra en su nombre, esposa la responsabilidad de su « comitente » tanto al civil como al criminal. Mas, el propietario del esclavo puede estar perseguido en razón de su orden que contraviene a las normas de la ciudad o de la buena vencidas sea que incito su servidor al cometer una acción « injusta » sea que participo de su propio acto, sea que por su propia negligencia no hubo suficientemente controlado la actuación de su gente. En todas esas hipótesis se puede discernir la trama del derecho romano e aquella de la vieja ley Aquilia. Y este renacimiento tiene su interés para entender mejor la fuerza del derecho servil en las posesiones francesas de América al fin del Antiguo Régimen.