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We report a novel transposed-word effect in speeded grammaticality judgments made about five-word sequences. The critical ungrammatical test sequences were formed by transposing two adjacent words from either a grammatical base sequence (e.g., “The white cat was big” became “The white was cat big”) or an ungrammatical base sequence (e.g., “The white cat was slowly” became “The white was cat slowly”). These were intermixed with an equal number of correct sentences for the purpose of the grammaticality judgment task. In a laboratory experiment (N = 57) and an online experiment (N = 94), we found that ungrammatical decisions were harder to make when the ungrammatical sequence originated from a grammatically correct base sequence. This provides the first demonstration that the encoding of word order retains a certain amount of uncertainty. We further argue that the novel transposed-word effect reflects parallel processing of words during written sentence comprehension combined with top-down constraints from sentence-level structures.

When a sequence of written words is presented briefly and participants are asked to report the identity of one of the words, identification accuracy is higher when the words form a correct sentence. Here we examined the extent to which this sentence superiority effect can be modulated by semantic content. The central hypothesis guiding this study is that the sentence superiority effect is primarily a syntactic effect. We therefore predicted little or no modulation of the effect by semantics. The influence of semantic content was measured by comparing the sentence superiority effect obtained with semantically regular sentences (e.g., son amie danse bien [her friend dances well]) and semantically anomalous but syntactically correct sentences (e.g., votre sac boit gros [your bag drinks big]), with effects being measured against ungrammatical scrambled versions of the same words in both cases. We found sentence superiority effects with both types of sentences, and a significant interaction, such that the effects were greater with semantically regular sentences compared with semantically anomalous sentences. We conclude that sentence-level semantic information can constrain word identities under parallel word processing, albeit with less impact than that exerted by syntax.

When asked to decide if an ungrammatical sequence of words is grammatically correct or not readers find it more difficult to do so (longer response times (RTs) and more errors) if the ungrammatical sequence is created by transposing two words from a correct sentence (e.g., the white was cat big ) compared with a set of matched ungrammatical sequences for which transposing any two words could not produce a correct sentence (e.g., the white was cat slowly ). Here, we provide a further exploration of transposed-word effects while imposing serial reading by using rapid serial visual presentation (RSVP) in Experiments 1 (respond at the end of the sequence) and 2 (respond as soon as possible—which could be during the sequence). Crucially, in Experiment 3 we compared performance under serial RSVP conditions with parallel presentation of the same stimuli for the same total duration and with the same group of participants. We found robust transposed-word effects in the RSVP conditions tested in all experiments, but only in error rates and not in RTs. This contrasts with the effects found in both errors and RTs in our prior work using parallel presentation, as well as the parallel presentation conditions tested in Experiment 3. We provide a tentative account of why, under conditions that impose a serial word-by-word reading strategy, transposed-word effects are only seen in error rates and not in RTs.

We used the grammatical decision task (a speeded version of the grammaticality judgment task) with auditorily presented sequences of five words that could either form a grammatically correct sentence or an ungrammatical sequence. The critical ungrammatical sequences were either formed by transposing two adjacent words in a correct sentence (transposed-word sequences: e.g., “The black was dog big”) or were matched ungrammatical sequences that could not be resolved into a correct sentence by transposing any two words (control sequences: e.g., “The black was dog slowly”). These were intermixed with an equal number of correct sentences for the purpose of the grammatical decision task. Transposed-word sequences were harder to reject as being ungrammatical (longer response times and more errors) relative to the ungrammatical control sequences, hence attesting for the first time that transposed-word effects can be observed in the spoken language version of the grammatical decision task. Given the relatively unambiguous nature of the speech input in terms of word order, we interpret these transposed-word effects as reflecting the constraints imposed by syntax when processing a sequence of spoken words in order to make a speeded grammatical decision.

The visual span, the visual attention span and the perceptual span are defined within specific theoretical frameworks. Each framework uses different measurement methods that reflect specific visual processes. All three are commonly associated with reading skills, and they are often confused or overlapped in the literature. For the first time, these three spans have been assessed in the same participants and under the same methodological conditions, enabling a more accurate comparison to be made. Correlations between the spans and with control tasks confirm certain peculiarities but also reveal some similarities. Reading ability correlates significantly with each span. However, only the perceptual span explains a specific part of the variance in adult reading speed.

In this work we propose the use of Entropy to measure variability in pronunciations in pseudowords reading aloud: pseudowords where participants give many different pronunciations receive higher Entropy values. Monolingual adults, monolingual children, and bilingual children proficient in different European languages varying in orthographic depth were tested. We predicted that Entropy values will increase with increasing orthographic depth. Moreover, higher Entropy was expected for younger than older children, as reading experience improves the knowledge of grapheme-phoneme correspondences (GPCs). We also tested if interference from a second language would lead to higher Entropy. Results show that orthographic depth affects Entropy, but only when the items are not strictly matched across languages. We also found that Entropy decreases across age, suggesting that GPC knowledge becomes refined throughout grades 2-4. We found no differences between bilingual and monolingual children. Our results indicate that item characteristics play a fundamental role in pseudoword pronunciation variability, that reading experience is associated with reduced variability in responses, and that in bilinguals’ knowledge of a second orthography does not seem to interfere with pseudoword reading aloud.

There are roughly two lines of theory to account for recent evidence that word processing is influenced by adjacent orthographic information. One line assumes that multiple words can be processed simultaneously through a parallel graded distribution of visuo-spatial attention. The other line assumes that attention is strictly directed to single words, but that letter detectors are connected to both foveal and parafoveal feature detectors, as such driving parafoveal-foveal integrative effects. Putting these two accounts to the test, we build on recent research showing that the pupil responds to the brightness of covertly attended (i.e., without looking) locations in the visual field. Experiment 1 showed that foveal target word processing was facilitated by related parafoveal flanking words when these were positioned to the left and right of the target, but not when these were positioned above and below the target. Perfectly in line with this asymmetry, in Experiment 2 we found that the pupil size was contingent with the brightness of the locations of horizontally but not vertically aligned flankers, indicating that attentional resources were allocated to those words involved in the parafoveal-on-foveal effect. We conclude that orthographic parafoveal-on-foveal effects are driven by parallel graded attention.

The present study investigated transposed-word effects in a post-cued word-in-sequence identification experiment. Five horizontally aligned words were simultaneously presented for a brief duration and followed by a backward mask and cue for the position of the word to be identified within the sequence. The five-word sequences could form a grammatically correct sentence (e.g., The boy can run fast ), an ungrammatical transposed-word sequence (e.g., The can boy run fast ) or an ungrammatical control sequence (e.g., The can get run fast ), and the same target word at the same position (e.g., the word ‘run’) was tested in the three conditions. Consistent with previous studies using a grammatical decision task and a same-different matching task, a transposed-word effect was observed, with word identification being more accurate in transposed-word sequences than in control sequences. Furthermore, here we could show for the first time that word identification was more accurate in correct sentences compared with transposed-word sequences. We suggest that the word identification advantage found for transposed-word sequences compared with ungrammatical control sequences is due to facilitatory feedback to word identities from sentence-level representations, albeit with less strength compared to the feedback provided by correct sentences.

We conducted two lexical decision experiments and one replication study to examine the scope of transposed-phoneme effects when the transposition involves non-adjacent phonemes. The critical stimuli were non-words derived from a real word (the base-word) either by transposing two phonemes or by substituting the same phonemes with different phonemes. In Experiment 1, the transposed phonemes belonged either to the same syllable (e.g. /bis. t ɔ k / for the French base-word / bis. k ɔ t /) or to a different syllable (e.g. /ʃo. l o. k a/ for the French base-word / ʃo. k o. l a /) and were located either at the beginning of the speech signal (e.g. / s i b. kɔt/ for / b i s. k ɔ t /; / k o. ʃ o.la/ for / ʃ o. k o.la /) or at the end (e.g. /bis. t ɔ k / for / bis. k ɔ t /; /ʃo. l o. k a/ for / ʃo. k o. l a /). Experiment 2 compared within-syllable and between-syllable transpositions derived from the same set of bi-syllabic base-words (e.g., / s i b. kɔt/, /bi k.s ɔt/, /bis. t ɔ k / for the base-word / biskɔt /). In both experiments, we found clear transposed-phoneme effects with longer “no” decisions for transposed-phoneme non-words compared with the matched substituted-phoneme non-words. The effect was of similar magnitude when the transposed phonemes occurred in the same syllable and across different syllables. Also, for both the within- and between-syllable transpositions, the size of the transposed-phoneme effect did not vary as a function of the position of the transposition. Overall, our results suggest that phonemes can migrate across their respective positions not only within a syllable, but also across syllables. More importantly, they also suggest that position-independent phonemes exert a continuous influence during the entire processing of the auditory stimulus to the extent that there is sufficient time for this influence to manifest itself.

Amyotrophic lateral sclerosis (ALS) is a neurodegenerative disorder causing a progressive motor weakness of all voluntary muscles, whose progression challenges communication modalities such as handwriting or speech. The current study investigated whether ALS subjects can use Eye-On-Line (EOL), a novel eye-operated communication device allowing, after training, to voluntarily control smooth-pursuit eye-movements (SPEM) so as to eye-write in cursive. To that aim, ALS participants ( = 12) with preserved eye-movements but impaired handwriting were trained during six on-site visits. The primary outcome of the study was the recognition of eye-written digits (0-9) from ALS and healthy control subjects by naïve \"readers.\" Changes in oculomotor performance and the safety of EOL were also evaluated. At the end of the program, 69.4% of the eye-written digits from 11 ALS subjects were recognized by naïve readers, similar to the 67.3% found for eye-written digits from controls participants, with however, large inter-individual differences in both groups of \"writers.\" Training with EOL was associated with a transient fatigue leading one ALS subject to drop out the study at the fifth visit. Otherwise, itching eyes was the most common adverse event (3 subjects). This study shows that, despite the impact of ALS on the motor system, most ALS participants could improve their mastering of eye-movements, so as to produce recognizable eye-written digits, although the eye-traces sometimes needed smoothing to ease digit legibility from both ALS subjects and control participants. The capability to endogenously and voluntarily generate eye-traces using EOL brings a novel way to communicate for disabled individuals, allowing creative personal and emotional expression.