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Pretoria has had peaceful diplomatic historical relations with Riyadh for decades now. It is without doubt that the historical relations between both have been beneficial, both strategically and economically. From Riyadh opposing Apartheid South Africa to the latter gaining established democratic mechanisms in 1994, and eventually to Nelson Mandela (the first Black democratically elected president of South Africa) becoming the first to endorse South Africa-Saudi Arabia relations in 1995-97 through the establishment of the two missions and/or embassies. Since then, Pretoria and Riyadh have had economically progressive relations with trade increasing rapidly. The current paper is aimed at providing a comprehensive analysis of the economic benefits of the Saudi Arabia-South Africa Business Council (SASABC) and how it can further be enhanced to promote alternative trade and investment deals in the interest of both countries’ economic growth. Theoretically, this paper is informed by an Afrocentric perspective to provide the reader with a comprehensive true reflection of the subject under review. Methodologically, the paper has employed a qualitative research approach in the form of document analysis. This simply means that the paper has deployed the use of secondary data materials available to achieve the aim of the paper.

This paper analyses the prevailing literature regarding the East African Community’s (EAC) involvement in resolving the ethnic division in Burundi, which started with a civil war that lasted from 1993 to 2005. Later, an outbreak of violence occurred in 2015 after Pierre Nkurunziza decided to run for a third term. While existing literature acknowledges the EAC’s involvement in addressing the Burundi civil war and ethnic tensions, there is a lack of comprehensive analysis regarding the effectiveness and limitations of its intervention strategies. Certainly, this became a major scholarly gap, which the current paper will contribute to the body of knowledge by critically reflecting on the role played by the EAC in bringing a permanent resolution to the violent conflict in Burundi. The theory employed for this study is Afrocentricity. The results of the civil war were long-standing ethnic divisions between the Tutsis and the Hutus. Furthermore, the discussion is advanced through the inclusion of the various challenges that were faced by the EAC in conflict resolution attempts in Burundi after 2015. Beyond this, the paper argued that the EAC has played a role in trying to bring about a peaceful solution in Burundi, although it has faced various socio-economic and political challenges that have hindered it from ending conflict or restoring harmony in Burundi. Methodologically, the current paper is informed by secondary data materials, supplemented by a content analysis of the collected information on the subject matter.

Legal structures in the African Union (AU) serve as the foundation on which member states should organise themselves. This paper offers an overview of how the AU has empowered the legal structures that control transboundary water management in the Nile Basin. The AU member states of Egypt, Ethiopia, and Sudan form the basis of this paper, which explores the conflict arising from Ethiopia's mega dam near the Nile basin. This paper aims to assess the effectiveness of AU-led efforts in influencing cooperation between the Nile Basin countries regarding water resource management. This is done by assessing AU-led efforts to help identify strategies for promoting the effectiveness of regional policy frameworks and informing future policy decisions and interventions. The theory adopted is Afrocentricity. The methodology involves a qualitative research method, using secondary data. Findings reveal that water scarcity is a major issue across the world, particularly in the Nile basin, which is surrounded by 11 African countries. Over the years, there has been a decline in the water levels of the Nile. Several international organisations and scholars viewed the governance of the AU as ineffective, given that difficulties in transboundary water management in the Nile basin persist.

It is without doubt that the Russian invasion of Ukraine has increased the global threat from the use of Weapons of Mass Destruction (WMD), including chemical munitions. Equally, there have been multiple claims from Ukraine in October 2022 that Russia was using WMD and chemical munitions in Ukraine after white phosphorus munitions were found during a fight between Ukrainian and Russian soldiers in Donetsk, Ukraine. The current paper seeks to interrogate the existing faculty of knowledge concerning the effectiveness of international control measures on WMD. Beyond the centralisation of the critical analysis of the effectiveness of control measures, the paper at hand argues that these measures in the form of multilateral treaties have not produced the required results, especially in disarming global superpowers (the United States and Russia) and alternative nuclear pariah states like North Korea. To some extent, the ineffectiveness of the control measures has now motivated Russia to utilise some of the WMD in Ukraine. Methodologically, the paper has employed a qualitative research approach that is dependent on secondary data materials and content analysis.