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It’s undeniable that corruption is a worldwide phenomenon that is witnessed both in the developed and developing world. Nevertheless, by narrowing this down to Africa, the continent has witnessed vast amount to corruption activities in the post-colonial era and this has continued to be a widespread occurrence that has made those politically connected get richer and the general populace poorer. This has led to most African states to remain underdeveloped, unindustrialized, marginalized and lacking basic socio-economic development. By narrowing this down to South Africa as a point of departure, the post-1994 South African government was widely expected to be a driving force in reviving the country’s economy as a result of the destabilization policies of the erstwhile apartheid regime. Nonetheless, 25 years into democracy, corruption has manifested itself to be a stumbling block to the country’s development framework(s). The African National Congress (ANC) government (since 1994) has been embroiled and implicated particularly since the Jacob Zuma era in immense corruption scandals that have benefited a few cronies at the expense of the poor. This paper aims to unearth the drivers of corruption in the South African public sector post-1994.

Post-democratisation after the national general elections, South Africa was governed by the democratically elected African National Congress (ANC), which brought with it much cheers to South Africa and Africa at large. Nevertheless, years after 1994, South Africa has witnessed massive xenophobic attacks on fellow Africans living in the country. To some, such have been triggered by vast inequalities and unemployment rates that have continued to be witnessed since 1994 coupled with the large influx of foreign nationals seeking greener pastures. In order to unearth the drivers, motives and repercussions of continued xenophobic attacks in post-apartheid South Africa, methodologically, this article utilised a qualitative research approach supplemented by secondary data. The article observes that the xenophobic attacks are purely and, in most cases, drawn from less economic opportunities albeit with various strategies that have over the years been adopted by the South African government. However, there has been lack of tangible frameworks and indeed more robust intervention driven by solid monitoring and evaluation blueprints.

One of the many impediments to a country's political, social, and economic growth prospects is corruption, and this is particularly true from an African perspective post-colonial era. In recent years, corruption has manifested itself in many ways, forms, and sizes in the South African public sector, particularly post-1994, when the first democratically elected government emerged. Corruption diverts funds and resources meant to benefit the local populace, which makes some people rich and those needing essential delivery of services in turmoil. From a South African perspective, and just like most parts of Africa, corruption has manifested itself to be a stumbling block to South Africa's continuous socio-economic growth prospects, particularly for the majority of blacks who continue to remain marginalised in terms of service delivery mandates from local government. By narrowing this to the government's structures closer to the people, municipalities are mandated to provide essential services to the local people. However, post the apartheid era, many municipalities in South Africa have found themselves in turmoil due to many internal irregularities driven by corruption. Using a qualitative research methodology supplemented by secondary data resources, this article examines the dire effects of corruption at the municipal level and what consequences this has for people at the grassroots level in South Africa. Drawing from the engaged literature, the article finds that corruption is a global phenomenon, particularly in African states. More needs to be done by corruption watchdogs to curb this phenomenon, particularly in South Africa and at the local government level. Notably, individuals occupying top positions in local government must be appointed on merit; there is a need to support anti-corruption watchdogs; independent institutions must be allowed to function without fear; and whistleblowers must be protected.

From a South African perspective, xenophobia is not a new phenomenon. Nonetheless, the escalating xenophobic violence that erupted in 2008 gave much impetus in scholarly attention to amply delve on the drivers and consequences of xenophobia in South Africa post-1994. It is ironic that after 25 years as a democratic state after the African National Congress (ANC) government came into power in 1994, xenophobia against foreign migrants is still persistence. After re-emerging from its pariah state status, South Africa has over the last two decades made major strides in its hegemonic ambitions in Southern Africa and Africa broadly. It relative robust economy, military might, infrastructure, transportation networks, financial institutions, the private sector and political stability has made it be a receiving migrant state. By utilizing a mainly qualitative method supplemented with secondary sources, the aim of this paper is to ponder xenophobia within the realms of post-1994 South Africa.

The recent yet unanticipated Corona Virus (Covid-19) pandemic, first witnessed in Wuhan, China, has made its destructive presence felt worldwide. From a schooling perspective and especially from a Higher Education Institution (HEI) standpoint, the pandemic revealed dire institutional gaps at South African universities, particularly those possessing limited technology, infrastructure, human resources, transformation, and finance. The sudden shift from face-to-face to multi-modal learning exposed the limited capacity Historically Black Universities (HBUs) have to deal with such sudden paradigm shifts given their state of development and unreadiness. A skim reading of an array of literature, in addition to policy briefs, revealed limited engagement(s) regarding the nexus of COVID-19 and its repercussions on South Africa’s HEIs, particularly HBUs. In consideration of the above and employing a qualitative research approach, this article aimed to delve into the challenges faced by HBUs in South Africa while also offering pivotal long-term blueprints that may be brought to the fore by the government, especially the Department of Higher Education and Training (DHET), for not only current inequality gaps but future unforeseen circumstances.

The internationalisation of higher educationin the SADC has been received with different reactions, and specifically, its association with increased student mobility and brain drain, has heightened regional calls for higher education institutions to react accordingly, in order to prevent the collapse of academic competitiveness within the region. By examining relevant literature related to the internationalisation of higher education in the SADC, the authors examine how three major factors of underinvestment in higher education, globalisation and internationalisation have magnified the issues of student mobility and brain drain in the region. As a consequence, universities in Southern Africa have to do more with fewer resources to improve infrastructure, staffing, teaching, and research facilities, as well as an increasing number of students opting to pursue their higher education beyond the region’s borders. The paper argues that the consequence of student mobility and brain drain in the region include a reduction in skilled professionals, loss of financial flow, and ultimately the prolongation of poverty and underdevelopment. In order to positively respond to the demands of internationalisation and address the problems associated with it, the paper contends that it is imperative for the region’s policy stakeholders to increase emphasis on international collaborations and strategic partnerships while investing heavily in higher education.

Migration is not a new phenomenon in Africa as it has been witnessed here for centuries. However, post-colonialism, there has been a dramatic rise in the movement of individuals within the continent. Using a largely qualitative methodology supplemented by secondary data, this paper examines the drivers underpinning youth migration in Africa. Through the use of Lee’s Push and Pull theory as a theoretical framework, it posits that migration is predominantly intra-African and the youth make up a large percentage of these migrant either to advance their economic opportunities or fleeing conflicts. This is manifested by the fact that post-colonialism, Africa has remained an underdeveloped continent with high poverty levels, youth unemployment, and political instability. These factors have contributed as pivotal drivers of youth migration.

In the 1950s, China was one of the least developed countries globally, nevertheless, today, Beijing’s rise as a global superpower has over the last three or so decades received unprecedented attention not only in academia but from the political, economic and media discourse. The rise of Chinese hegemony has been witnessed in a range of development driven initiatives in Africa spanning from the economic, political, trade and infrastructural spectrums just to name a few. Nonetheless, over the last thirty plus years, there has been increased attention paid to Beijing’s military growth and particularly its presence in Africa through the United Nations (UN’s) peacekeeping initiatives. China’s growing security presence in Africa outlines its motive for preserving regional peace and order for its already lucrative economic cooperation and trade with a range of African states. While others view Sino-African relations as beneficial to Africa, others are not so convinced, citing that China is after Africa’s natural resources for its now flourishing economy. By utilizing a qualitative research approach, the aim of this article is to ponder on Chinese military involvement through peacekeeping missions in Africa and to unearth what gains (if any) these have on continental security presently and moving forward.

After the 1960s, a period when some African states were about to gain political freedom from European colonisers, regional integration became essential for most African states. Such was driven by the need that African states could not survive independently, as some were minor and fragile to economic shocks. In addition, after the end of the Cold War, significant improvements were witnessed in the occurrence and flow of regionalism, driven by the need for states to collaborate efficiently to drive economic growth. Like any other Regional Economic Community (REC), this has been the same for the Southern African Development Community (SADC) since 1992. However, the recent COVID-19 pandemic has further shown how fragile African states are. This article aims to draw a nuanced picture of regional integration in Africa (Southern Africa, precisely) and the impact of COVID-19 on regional integration reforms through the lens of the SADC.

South Africa attracts a diverse set of immigrants from neighbouring countries and the rest of the African continent. The high numbers of mainly African arrivals have coincided with weakening economic growth, rising poverty levels, inequality, and high levels of unemployment. This has created socio-economic and xenophobic tensions between citizens and foreign migrants and accelerated the emergence of right-wing anti-immigrant movements such as Operation Dudula and others. The involvement of foreign labour in the South African economy is an important political and socio-economic issue within the country and in other African countries. In this work, we consider South Africa’s history as an important migrant destination and analyse the nexus between labour migration and good governance as critical drivers of sustainable development. We highlight the importance of migration within the context of the United Nations and its agencies, as seen in the UN’s 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development, the Global Compact for Migration, and the Global Compact for Refugees. This political recognition of migration as a key issue at the global level has also materialised at South Africa's local, provincial, and national levels. To enable the discussion of this complex phenomenon, the paper relies on a robust and systematic analysis of existing literature on migration of labour, good governance, and sustainable development. The paper contributes valuable insights on the nexus between migration, good governance, and sustainable development in Africa.