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"Modood, Tariq"
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Must Interculturalists misrepresent multiculturalism?
Statements of and advocacy for interculturalism always seems to begin with a critique of multiculturalism and aspire to offer a new and alternative paradigm of diversity and citizenship. With particular reference to a recent publication, which marks the current state of the art debate between the two ‘isms’, I suggest that the critique is often not based on an engagement with multiculturalist authors but targets popular (mis)perceptions of multiculturalism. A consequence of this is that interculturalists fail to appreciate the limitations of their critique and of their claim to novelty. The newness of interculturalism may relate to the normative significance of the majority but less to intercultural dialogue or to an anti-essentialism. While interculturalism has a contribution to offer, eg, by a focus on micro-level interactions, on superdiversity and by challenging multiculturalists to think about the majority, it is best understood as a version of multiculturalism rather than as an alternative paradigm. Multiculturalism can benefit from the contribution of interculturalism but this may involve moderating interculturalist ideas so, for example, not abandoning an anti-essentialism that is consistent with the sociological reality of groups, or by taking on board the normative significance of the majority but without accepting the idea of a majority precedence. In this way what is of value in interculturalism can be taken on board within existing multiculturalist theoretical frameworks.
Journal Article
Global migration, ethnicity and britishness
\"Exploring some of the most topical issues around migration and integration in relation to Britain, this book examines people smuggling and the elite labour migration that is becoming a feature of Britain. It also examines the concepts of social capital, social cohesion and Britishness that are being used to critique multiculturalism\"-- Provided by publisher.
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Working to Multiculturalise My Country
Modood comments on the criticisms of his book. He asserts that he is aware of the need to distinguish between acceptable and unacceptable forms of religious identities and specifically that there is a rising Christianist identitarian movement taking place in Europe that is intertwined with a racist nationalism or Europeanism. That however, is not a good reason for excluding Christian identity from a multiculturalist nationalism, any more than the existence of an anti-multiculturalist Islamism is a reason for excluding Muslim identity accommodation, or the presence of Muslim-hating Hindu politics for excluding Hindus as such. We have to oppose all such mono-identity ideologies and nationalisms. He argues that his additive multicultural nationalism is meant to be a rallying alterative to them as well as two popular liberal alternatives, namely, a culturally neutral individualism with civic nationalism, or alternatively, cosmopolitanism.
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Interculturalism: Not a new policy paradigm
The central question of the symposium has been whether interculturalism provides a new paradigm that transcends multiculturalism? I note that, consistent with my own position, none of the commentaries answers this question in the affirmative. I concur with the view that interculturalist approaches suffer from an indeterminacy in the use of concepts such as local, place and proximity. When such concepts are given specification, they can have two different meanings: a) face to face encounters, b) urban life and/or governance. Whilst (a) and (b) can be connected together, a dichotimising logic is employed by interculturalists relation to the micro-macro and the city-national. I conclude by specifying, by reference to my work, the key features of multiculturalism that a replacement paradigm has to engage with.
Journal Article
Freedom of Religion and the Accommodation of Religious Diversity: Multiculturalising Secularism
The classical liberal concern for freedom of religion today intersects with concerns of equality and respect for minorities, of what might be loosely termed ‘multiculturalism’. When these minorities were primarily understood in terms of ethno-racial identities, multiculturalism and freedom of religion were seen at that time as quite separate policy and legal fields. As ethno-religious identities have become central to multiculturalism (and to rejections of multiculturalism), specifically in Western Europe in relation to its growing Muslim settlements, not only have the two fields intersected, new approaches to religion and equality have emerged. We consider the relationship between freedom of religion and ethno-religious equality, or alternatively, religion as faith or conscience and religion as group identity. We argue that the normative challenges raised by multicultural equality and integration cannot be met by individualist understandings of religion and freedom, by the idea of state neutrality, nor by laicist understandings of citizenship and equality. Hence, a re-thinking of the place of religion in public life and of religion as a public good and a re-configuring of political secularism in the context of religious diversity is necessary. We explore a number of pro-diversity approaches that suggest what a respectful and inclusive egalitarian governance of religious diversity might look like, and consider what might be usefully learnt from other countries, as Europe struggles with a deeper diversity than it has known for a long time. The moderate secularism that has historically evolved in Western Europe is potentially accommodative of religious diversity, just as it came to be of Christian churches, but it has to be ‘multiculturalised’.
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The emergence of the Bristol School of Multiculturalism
Geoffrey Brahm Levey plausibly describes how a group of scholars who he calls the ‘Bristol School of Multiculturalism’ (BSM) differ from scholars who are often called Liberal Multiculturalists (LMs). We expand Levey’s analysis by showing what in the history of the BSM’s thought made the liberalism and the multiculturalism of LMs unconvincing for BSM scholars. Hence, we show how certain thinkers influenced BSM scholars in ways that made them unwilling to offer liberal theories and how BSM scholars began their work with multi-culturalist ideas that differ from the multiculturalist ideas of LMs.
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The Future of Multiracial Democracy: The Rise of Multicultural Nationalism
Some liberals argue that political polarization is caused by \"identity politics\" that has created a kind of new tribalism. This essay argues that this is a misreading. Instead, the essay addresses polarization between those who are pro-diversity (possibly also pro-immigration) and those who fear that their national identities are being demoted at the expense of other identities. The clash is not between universalism and identitarianism but over the value or recognition to be accorded to different group identities. While multiculturalism has been concerned with the normative status of minority identities, it has been counterposed, sometimes aggressively, by those who bemoan the neglect of majorities and their identity-based anxieties. This essay focuses on how we can tackle and lessen the polarization that is fostering mutual distrust and threatening the national, democratic citizenships upon which any multiculturalist, egalitarian, and unifying project must be built, and which multiculturalists, together with others, must defend. This involves developing a multicultural national identity to which all citizens can have a sense of belonging without giving up other identities that are important to them. Such national and group identities should not be conceived as monistic or static but rather as interactive and dialogical. Such a sense of the national allows one to be sensitive to minority-identity vulnerabilities and majority-identity anxieties within an integrated theoretical and political framework.
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