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Background/Objectives: Tartrazine (TRZ), a synthetic red azo dye derived from coal tar, is widely used as a food colorant in various food products, pharmaceuticals, and cosmetics. This study aims to investigate the impact of TRZ on the expression levels of DNA methyltransferases (DNMT1, DNMT3a, and DNMT3b) and histone deacetylases (HDAC5 and HDAC6). Additionally, we evaluate genomic DNA stability using the alkaline comet assay in three human cell lines: immortalized human keratinocyte (HaCaT), human hepatocellular carcinoma (HepG2), and human lung adenocarcinoma (A549). The research question focuses on whether TRZ exposure alters epigenetic regulation and DNA integrity, potentially implicating its role in carcinogenesis. Methods: The selected human cell lines were exposed to different concentrations of TRZ (20 µM, 40 µM, and 80 µM), with DMBA serving as a positive control. After treatment, we quantified the expression levels of DNMT1, DNMT3a, DNMT3b, HDAC5, and HDAC6 using quantitative real-time PCR. Additionally, we assessed DNA fragmentation via the alkaline comet assay to determine the extent of DNA damage resulting from TRZ exposure. Results: Our findings indicate that TRZ significantly upregulates the expression of HDAC5, HDAC6, DNMT1, DNMT3a, and DNMT3b in comparison to the control group. Furthermore, TRZ exposure leads to a notable increase in DNA damage, as evidenced by elevated tail moments across all examined human cell lines. Conclusions: These results suggest that TRZ may play a role in carcinogenesis and epigenetic modifications. The observed upregulation of DNMTs and HDACs, coupled with increased DNA damage, highlights the potential risks associated with TRZ exposure. Further research is necessary to explore these mechanisms and assess their implications for human health.

Extending inquiries into the dynamics underpinning the ‘iterative’ development of security governance at mega-events, this article explores practices of knowledge sharing and policy transfer at major political summits. Through detailed interviews with police involved in the Toronto 2010 G20 and the Brisbane 2014 G20 summits, and through analysing supporting documentation, we examine the ways in which police interpret past events, as either ‘failures’ or ‘successes’, specifically in the context of public order policing. The article extends insights into how such perceptions are facilitated through transnational exchanges, particularly where event-related ‘failures’ might be considered as a benchmark for iterative policy developments. We explain this process as a form of ‘failure-inspired social learning’ that questions the effectiveness, norms and legitimacy of established policies, practices and institutions involved in security governance, which can influence future transformations in global ‘best practices’.

Governments, businesses, private citizens and even organised crime are increasingly investing in cyber security, with the cyber security industry growing in size and relevance. This paper demonstrates that markets for the buying and selling of cyber security should be subject to many of the same critical inquiries typically targeted at the private security industry. Using a number of illustrative examples of emerging trends in the commodification of cyber security it will be highlighted how these markets create significant social impacts and present similar dilemmas of democracy, justice, sovereignty, and deleterious side-effects for wider society. Key conceptual differences between cyber security commodities and ‘conventional’ security commodities will also be considered before arguing for an inter-disciplinary research agenda into the considerable social implications of the buying and selling of cyber security commodities.

In 2004, the discourse of 'legacy' was woven into the constitutional fabric of the International Olympic Committee (IOC). Bidding for Olympic events is now premised on procuring post-event legacies that will resonate through local communities and host countries long after the flame is extinguished. Given vast expenditures in security, policing, and emergency management operations at major sporting events, it is notable that the IOC and its official partners have disproportionately under-represented security and policing legacies. This paper addresses research into security and policing legacies of major events by turning much needed empirical attention towards institutionallevel geographies of security and policing - particularly on legacies of policing and militarisation in Olympic host cities. Accordingly, the paper traces the institutional trajectory of the Military Liaison Unit (MLU) in the Vancouver Police Department who were heavily involved in coordinating the joint civilian-military effort throughout the lifecycle of the Vancouver 2010 Winter Games. Theoretically, the paper furthers Stephen Graham's (2010) New Military Urbanism that considers the circulation of military expertise between neo-colonial frontiers of military intervention with Western urban spaces. In doing so, this paper unpacks an empirically guided temporal approach that discerns key drivers of militarisation as localised, empirical-based 'trajectories' of development of security and policing institutions, which are linked to, and circumscribed by, critical juncture episodes in the context of mega event security. The paper traces processes of the MLU to explain how conditions underpinning the civil-military divide in urban policing, as a series of jurisdictional, institutional, and by extension, geographical configurations have continued, changed or been abandoned in the context of the Vancouver 2010 Olympics. As such, this paper contributes to much needed debate on the controversies and opportunities inherent in security legacies and major events, which implicate the wider securitisation and militarisation of Western cities.

Law enforcement agencies are often subject to enhanced monitoring and periodic reporting requirements as part of a liberal governance paradigm that entails the protection of human rights. Police and security intelligence agencies must report on their use of surveillance powers, including the number of times they have sought and received warrants to use surveillance devices, the types of investigatory methods deployed, the range of offenses with which they are associated, and the extent to which authorizations for these powers are tied to criminal convictions. These surveillance accountability reports function as a primary mechanism to “monitor” government encroachments into the private sphere—to ensure that liberal democratic principles of fairness, respect for human rights, and the right to privacy are upheld. This article focuses on Australian government surveillance accountability reports as a technology of governmentality and examines how their content and form are intimately connected to broader developments in technology-mediated forms of state surveillance.

This article argues that the politics of surveillance and (il)liberalism in Australia is conditioned by the dynamic interplay between technological development and law. Applying criminologist Richard Ericson’s concept of ‘counter-law’, the article illustrates how rapidly advancing capacities for surveillance and Australia's legal infrastructure collide. In this view, even regulatory safeguards can be instrumental in the broader drift toward (il)liberal democracy. Drawing on the Australian context to illustrate a broader global trend, this article conveys how such an apparatus of control reflective of (il)liberal democracy might be more accurately understood as a form of socio-technical rule-with-law.

In 2004, the discourse of ‘legacy’ was woven into the constitutional fabric of the International O lympic C ommittee ( IOC ). Bidding for O lympic events is now premised on procuring post‐event legacies that will resonate through local communities and host countries long after the flame is extinguished. Given vast expenditures in security, policing, and emergency management operations at major sporting events, it is notable that the IOC and its official partners have disproportionately under‐represented security and policing legacies. This paper addresses research into security and policing legacies of major events by turning much needed empirical attention towards institutional‐level geographies of security and policing – particularly on legacies of policing and militarisation in O lympic host cities. Accordingly, the paper traces the institutional trajectory of the M ilitary L iaison U nit ( MLU ) in the V ancouver Police Department who were heavily involved in coordinating the joint civilian–military effort throughout the lifecycle of the V ancouver 2010 Winter Games. Theoretically, the paper furthers S tephen G raham's (2010) New Military Urbanism that considers the circulation of military expertise between neo‐colonial frontiers of military intervention with Western urban spaces. In doing so, this paper unpacks an empirically guided temporal approach that discerns key drivers of militarisation as localised, empirical‐based ‘trajectories’ of development of security and policing institutions, which are linked to, and circumscribed by, critical juncture episodes in the context of mega event security. The paper traces processes of the MLU to explain how conditions underpinning the civil–military divide in urban policing, as a series of jurisdictional, institutional, and by extension, geographical configurations have continued, changed or been abandoned in the context of the V ancouver 2010 O lympics. As such, this paper contributes to much needed debate on the controversies and opportunities inherent in security legacies and major events, which implicate the wider securitisation and militarisation of Western cities.

This paper examines Lisa Austin’s (2015) concept of lawful illegality, which interrogates the legal foundations for potentially unlawful surveillance practices by United States (US) signals intelligence (SIGINT) agencies. Lawful illegality involves the technically lawful operation of surveillance powers that might be considered unlawful when examined through a rule of law framework. We argue lawful illegality is expanding into domestic policing through judicial decisions that sanction complex and technically sophisticated forms of remote online surveillance, such as the use of malware, remote hacking, or Network Investigative Techniques (NITs). Operation Pacifier targeted and dismantled the Playpen dark web site, which was used for distributing child exploitation material (CEM), and has generated many judicial rulings examining the legality of remote surveillance by the FBI. We have selected two contrasting cases that demonstrate how US domestic courts have employed distinct logics to determine the admissibility of evidence collected through the NIT deployed in Operation Pacifier. The first case, United States v. Carlson (2017 US Dist. LEXIS 67991), offers a critical view of the use of NITs by the FBI, with physical geography constraining the legality of this form of surveillance in US criminal procedure. The second case, United States v. Gaver (2017 US Dist. LEXIS 44757), authorizes the use of NITs because the need to control crime is believed to justify suspending the geographic limits on police surveillance to identify people involved in the creation and dissemination of CEM. We argue this crime control emphasis expands the reach of US police surveillance while undermining due process of law by removing the protective function of geography. We conclude by suggesting the permissive geographic scope of police surveillance reflected in United States v. Gaver (2017 US Dist. LEXIS 44757), and many other Playpen cases, erodes due process for all crime suspects, but is particularly acute for people located outside the US, and suggest a neutral transnational arbiter could help limit contentious forms of remote extraterritorial police surveillance.

High tissue density of the mammary gland is considered a pro‐tumorigenic factor, hence suppressing the stimuli that induce matrix buildup carries the potential for cancer interception. We found that in non‐malignant mammary epithelial cells the combination of the chemopreventive agents bexarotene (Bex) and carvedilol (Carv) suppresses the zymogen granule protein 16B (ZG16B, PAUF) through an interaction of ARID1A with a proximal enhancer. Bex + Carv also reduced ZG16B levels in vivo in normal breast tissue and MDA‐MB231 tumor xenografts. The relevance of ZG16B is underscored by ongoing clinical trials targeting ZG16B in pancreatic cancers, but its role in breast cancer development is unclear. In immortalized mammary epithelial cells, secreted recombinant ZG16B stimulated mitogenic kinase phosphorylation, detachment and mesenchymal characteristics, and promoted proliferation, motility and clonogenic growth. Highly concerted induction of specific laminin, collagen and integrin isoforms indicated a shift in matrix properties toward increased density and cell‐matrix interactions. Exogenous ZG16B alone blocked Bex + Carv‐mediated control of cell growth and migration, and antagonized Bex + Carv‐induced gene programs regulating cell adhesion and migration. In breast cancer cells ZG16B induced colony formation and anchorage‐independent growth, and stimulated migration in a PI3K/Akt‐dependent manner. In contrast, Bex + Carv inhibited colony formation, reduced Ki67 levels, ZG16B expression and glucose uptake in MDA‐MB231 xenografts. These data establish ZG16B as a druggable pro‐tumorigenic target in breast cell transformation and suggest a key role of the matrisome network in rexinoid‐dependent antitumor activity. The combination of the chemopreventive agents bexarotene (Bex) and carvedilol (Carv) suppresses the zymogen granule protein 16B (ZG16B, PAUF) through a newly discovered interaction of ARID1A with a proximal enhancer. ZG16B stimulates mesenchymal characteristics and promotes proliferation, motility and a shift in matrix properties toward increased density and cell‐matrix interactions. ZG16B is a druggable pro‐tumorigenic target in breast cell transformation and suggests a key role of the matrisome network in rexinoid‐dependent antitumor activity.