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¿Qué tendencias pueden identificarse en un análisis evolutivo sobre la agenda china en la guerra comercial con los Estados Unidos? La investigación analiza los dos documentos oficiales en la materia del Gobierno de la República Popular China (de septiembre de 2018 y de junio de 2019), desde un marco teórico centrado en la racionalidad política china y en los estudios de agenda, y con herramientas propias del análisis autómatico de textos. Se obtiene como conclusión que el discurso político chino sostiene -como eje central- la intención de expandir el debate comercial a otros significados económicos, mantiene la crítica al proteccionismo y defiende su posición sobre la propiedad intelectual en China. Sin embargo, en el año 2019 en el discurso político chino adquieren una mayor centralidad los valores y principios cooperativos típicos de la retórica política china. Esto se destaca sobre la estategia china de deconstrucción del discurso occidental sobre el conflicto comercial, lo cual es predominante, con abundante particularización discursiva, en el año 2018.

¿Cuál es la agenda institucional de China en la guerra comercial con Estados Unidos? Esta investigación presenta, en un primer momento teórico, bases para el análisis institucional de China, y, en un segundo momento, un enfoque de agenda para interpretar la lógica institucional china en sus relaciones internacionales. En particular, se estudia la guerra comercial con Estados Unidos a partir del documento oficial del gobierno chino de septiembre de 2018. Con técnicas de reconocimiento de entidades y minería de textos, y con análisis de contenido, se obtienen dos tipos de resultados. Por una parte, el conflicto se caracteriza entre las categorías de la nueva economía institucional y se deconstruye por la retórica china con diversidad de fuentes de información que explicitan otros posibles contextos de actuación para las instituciones comerciales. Por otra parte, China presenta una resolución del conflicto en forma de agenda propositiva: se deben desarrollar procesos cooperativos económicos —no sólo comerciales— con enforcement político, para producir particularidad, dinamismo y coordinación a partir de las diferencias entre los dos países. What is China’s institutional agenda in the trade war with the United States? This research begins by presenting its theory for an institutional analysis of China and secondly an agenda-based approach to interpret China’s institutional approach to international relations. In particular, the trade war with the United States is studied by examining the Chinese government’s official document on the subject presented in September 2018. Named-entity recognition and text mining techniques, along with content analysis, have led two types of findings. On the one hand, the conflict is characterized within the categories of the New Institutional Economy and deconstructed by the Chinese rhetoric with a wide range of information sources that explain other possible contexts of action for commercial institutions. On the other hand, China presents a proactive resolution to the conflict by proposing economic (and not just business) cooperation processes with political enforcement and to produce particularity, dynamism and coordination, based on the differences between the two countries.

The aim of this article is to study the ways in which Proyecto Nocilla by Agustín Fernández Mallo and España by Manuel Vilas actively build cyberculture as their condition of production and interpretation. I first analyze the stressed position of Author’s figures in the contemporary mass media horizon will be analyzed. Then, I focus on the way the novels use mathematical references to make visible the underlying conditions of the information episteme. Lastly, the category of “digital neo-baroque” will be proposed as a problematic horizon for these new textualities. El objetivo del siguiente trabajo es realizar una lectura de los modos en que las novelas Proyecto Nocilla de Agustín Fernández Mallo y España de Manuel Vilas construyen activamente la cibercultura como su condición de producción e interpretación. En primer lugar, se analizará la posición tensionada de las figuras de autor en el horizonte massmediático contemporáneo. En segundo lugar, se enfocará en el modo en que las novelas utilizan referencias matemáticas para visibilizar las condiciones subyacentes de la episteme de la información. Por último, se propondrá la categoría de “neobarroco digital” como horizonte de problema de estas nuevas textualidades.

Modern Chinese political discourse, regarding foreign policy, has aroused considerable interest in the academic world, both by Western intellectuals and by Chinese scholars. In both cases, this interest is found in the possibility of generating a kind of translation of the particular Chinese discursive logics towards significant standards for the West. Furthermore, as an ultimate goal, it is hoped that this interpretive task may favor better political understandings between China and the West. In this sense, the current trade war between China and the United States represents a relevant object of study, to analyze from a Chinese political and discursive perspective. In this research paper we ask: what trends can be identified in an evolutionary analysis of the Chinese agenda in the trade war with the United States? The research analyzes two official documents on the subject (White papers) from the highest echelons of the government of the People's Republic of China: The Facts and China's Position on China-US Trade Friction (September 2018) and China's Position on the China-US Economic and Trade Consultations (June 2019). These two documents represent the official vision of China and its evolution, in accordance with contextual changes. The research develops a theoretical framework focused on Chinese political rationality and its peculiarities. To make this conceptual framework transparent, it is compared with western political rationality. Different dimensions are worked on: political inclusion of actors in decision-making processes, framework for political action, processes of political action, the logic to determine solutions, and time horizon of political action. In the West, democratic horizontality grants argumentative flexibility, and stable frameworks for action restrict it. In China, institutional dynamism grants argumentative flexibility and the hierarchical and particular order restricts it. Democracy with stability versus hierarchy with change: both political schemes establish the argumentative limits. In other words, the dimensions of political rationality have a direct impact on the content and form of Chinese political discourse. Agenda studies is used strategically in this research to analyze Chinese political discourse. The pragmatic use of language and the combination of Confucianism and Marxism in Chinese political discourse can be identified from the perspective of agenda studies. In other words, an agenda approach allows us to consider different dimensions of Chinese political rationality and rhetoric: hierarchy established in a text; non-linearity of the solutions agenda; enabling, contradictory and strategic frameworks; particular context and its relation to general context; and finally, dynamism of the information content. The two specific research questions in this article are: How does China define and particularize its agenda in the trade war with the United States? What trends can be identified in an evolutionary analysis over this agenda? Our research hypothesis is: In Chinese official documents on the trade war with the United States, there are trends regarding political agenda, particularistic resources and an articulation of both. From a methodological point of view, the emergence of new technologies has allowed for the expansion of the frontiers of textual analysis. The present work uses cutting edge automatic natural language processing tools to study the Chinese agenda, such as: identification of parts of speech (Part of Speech Tagging), construction of concordance matrices (with Key Word in Context framework), named entity recognition, and relationship vectors calculation. Also, comparative analysis techniques are used to analyze evolution of the PRC's agenda in the trade war with the United States. In this way, the work proposes an original contribution (theoretical and empirical) to the field of social and political agenda studies, by adapting them to Chinese political rationality and discourse. As conclusions, this investigation demonstrates the fulfillment of the hypothesis, since in the official Chinese documents related to the trade war with the United States there are tendencies on the political agenda, the particularistic resources and the articulation of both. The document The Facts and China’s Position on China-US Trade Friction expands the trade discussion towards industrial chains and investments. In this text, measures that correspond to national interests and those that affect the international community are listed, specifying the latter in the WTO arena. Also, goods and services of trade and their rates are particularized with data and proper names. Two other frameworks are relevant: the discussion on intellectual property, and the rules and regulations to foster cooperation. This second one (quite restricted) acts as an enabling framework, although it omits Chinese rhetoric of values and principles. China’s Position on the China-US Economic and Trade Consultations document maintains the trend of the central axis of the 2018 document, but it is less aggressive, by centralizing cooperation as an objective. The 2019 document does not offer as important a backing of authoritative resources as the 2018 document does. In addition, the trend of intellectual property debate in China remains very important in the 2019 document. However, as a relevant change, this second document presents a political agenda much closer to the contradictory and dialectical frameworks of China's classical Confucian and Marxist rhetoric (terms such as mutual benefit, mutual respect or win-win relationships are used). There is a marked trend of important coincidences (expanding the discussion from commercial to economic, criticizing protectionism and holding a position in the debate on intellectual property in China), but the differences between documents are also relevant. In particular, the 2019 document embraces in a more friendly way the Chinese political rhetoric of cooperative values and principles, and avoids resources of authority. In this sense, less particularization implies lower levels of orientation. From the point of view of our theoretical framework, both documents seek to highlight collective effectiveness (the development of a global community), and work on problem-solution logics. Furthermore, the change between the two documents reflects the dynamism in China's use of discursive resources. In short, the second document of 2019 shows greater characteristics of a Chinese political discourse which encourages pragmatism. The first document of 2018 develops a more deconstructive position over the western rhetoric of the trade conflict, even using tools that are more typical of scientific discourse (with deductions or inductions from authoritative resources). Chinese political discourse is dynamic, adapting to the context in a multiplicity of possible ways. Identifying continuities and changes in Chinese discourse from the theoretical understanding of its political rationality is essential to interpret current conflicts. ¿Qué tendencias pueden identificarse en un análisis evolutivo sobre la agenda china en la guerra comercial con los Estados Unidos? La investigación analiza los dos documentos oficiales en la materia del gobierno de la República Popular China (de septiembre de 2018 y de junio de 2019), desde un marco teórico centrado en la racionalidad política china y en los estudios de agenda,  y con herramientas propias del análisis autómatico de textos. Se obtiene como conclusión que el discurso político chino  sostiene —como eje central— la intención de expandir el debate comercial a otros significados económicos, mantiene la crítica al proteccionismo y defiende su posición sobre la propiedad intelectual en China. Sin embargo, en el año 2019 en el discurso político chino adquieren una mayor centralidad los valores y principios cooperativos típicos de la retórica política china. Esto se destaca por sobre la estategia china de deconstrucción del discurso occidental sobre el conflicto comercial, lo cual es predominante, con abundante particularización discursiva, en el año 2018.

El objetivo del siguiente trabajo es proponer una lectura metacrítica, es decir, crítica de la crítica, del pensamiento sobre el arte y la literatura del francés Jacques Rancière. La hipótesis de un texto paradigmático será imbricada y reproblematizada bajo unidades crecientemente mayores (libro, sistema de conceptos, diálogos con otros sistemas). Precisamente, a partir de las aristas que revelan la polémica de Rancière con Jean-François Lyotard y Alain Badiou, se procederá a una evaluación general de los límites y las potencias de la teoría de los regímenes del arte.

El siguiente trabajo investiga las relaciones entre el realismo y la ciencia ficción en tres novelas latinoamericanas contemporáneas. En primer lugar, se analiza el modo en que El delirio de Turing (2005) de Edmundo Paz Soldán utiliza las matrices de la ciencia ficción para elaborar un “realismo tecnológico”. En segundo lugar, se ofrece un estudio de El recurso humano (2014) de Nicolás Mavrakis como un caso de hibridez genérica. Por último, se enmarca una lectura de Los cuerpos del verano (2016) de Martín Felipe Castagnet en una discusión sobre las mutaciones de la ciencia ficción producto de la transformación del verosímil realista.

El objetivo del siguiente trabajo es realizar una lectura de El tiempo de la convalecencia (2017) y El tiempo de la improvisación (2019) de Alberto Giordano como resolución singular de la relación contemporánea entre la cultura impresa y la cibercultura. En primer lugar, desplegaremos un análisis de los modos en que el autobiógrafo entiende su propia práctica (el posteo en redes sociales, posteriormente recopilado en libro) como un híbrido genérico de la cultura libresca. En segundo lugar, iluminaremos las tensiones entre la concepción de escritura presente en los textos y la lógica informática que constituye su condición de producción.

The identification of fraudulent and questionable research conduct is not something new. However, in the last 12 years the aim has been to identify specific problems and concrete solutions applicable to each area of knowledge. For example, previous work has focused on questionable and responsible research conducts associated with clinical assessment, measurement practices in psychology and related sciences; or applicable to specific areas of study, such as suicidology. One area of study that merits further study of questionable and responsible research behaviors is psychometrics. Focusing on psychometric research is important and necessary, as without adequate evidence of construct validity the overall validity of the research is at least debatable. Our interest here is to (a) identifying questionable research conduct specifically linked to psychometric studies; and (b) promoting greater awareness and widespread application of responsible research conduct in psychometrics research. We believe that the identification and recognition of these conducts is important and will help us to improve our daily work as psychometricians.

The objective of the following work is to elaborate a reading of Robertita's Roommates based on the concepts of intermediality and immersion. This operation will allow us to question, for the present, the centrality of the medial specification hypothesis typical of formalism. In the first place, we will examine the intermedial references to analyze the operations in which the novel performs a figuration of the subjective effect of the new information technologies. Secondly, beginning with the intermedial character of the work (text, image, music), we will argue that this mixture in the structure of the work seeks to produce a remediation of the language of cinema, introducing a particular immersion, of a temporary and emotional nature. Finally, a call is made to elaborate new theoretical-critical vocabularies to respond to the singularity of these artistic events. We propose the figure of the intermedial critic to refer to that critic who, without losing his philological or discourse analysis training, delves into new languages ​​and knowledges. El objetivo del siguiente trabajo es el de elaborar una lectura de Roommates de Robertita a partir de los conceptos de intermedialidad e inmersión. Esta operación nos permitirá poner en duda, para el presente, la centralidad de la hipótesis de la especificación medial propia del formalismo. En primer lugar, examinaremos las referencias intermediales para analizar las operaciones en que la novela figura el efecto subjetivo de las nuevas tecnologías de la información. En segundo lugar, a partir del carácter intermedial de la obra (texto, imagen, música), argumentaremos que esta mixtura en la estructura de la obra busca performar una remediación del lenguaje del cine, introduciendo una inmersión particular, de naturaleza temporal y emocional. Finalmente, se realiza un llamado a elaborar nuevos vocabularios teórico-críticos para responder a la singularidad de estos acontecimientos artísticos. Proponemos la figura del crítico intermedial para referirnos a ese crítico que, sin perder su formación filológica o de análisis de discurso, se adentra en nuevos lenguajes y saberes.

Los supuestos de la teoría constructivista en relaciones internacionales permiten modelar los principios y agenda del discurso de la diplomacia con características chinas. Este modelo pone énfasis en una orientación anti-hegemónica, en el respeto por la particularidad de los países y en una agenda múltiple. Sin embargo, en los discursos del Presidente chino Xi, y en comparación a la política doméstica y partidaria, solo el principio de “desarrollo pacífico” se destaca por su alta frecuencia y relaciones conceptuales. Además, la agenda en política exterior muestra una marcada concentración en economía y seguridad. Assumptions of the constructivist theory in international relations allow to model principles and agenda of the discourse of diplomacy with Chinese characteristics. This model emphasizes an anti-hegemonic orientation, respect for the particularity of the countries and a multiple agenda. However, in Chinese president Xi’s speeches, and in comparison to domestic policy and partisan politics, only the principle of “peaceful development” stands out, because of its high frequency and its conceptual relations. Moreover, the agenda in foreign policy shows a clear concentration in economics and security.