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India's growing political and economic role on the African continent is examined. The country's role is compared and contrasted with that of China in Africa. India's African ties include its role as provider of 'soft' infrastructure, historical connections with the continent in terms of anti-colonial and anti-racist struggles, and the large Indian diaspora living in Africa. As well as Africa's being an important part of former Prime Minister Nehru's vision of a 'just international order', the need to engage the continent positively in light of India's power relations with China, increasingly influential in Africa, is also suggested [IBSSWG]. Reprinted by permission of Carfax Publishing, Taylor & Francis Ltd.

Perhaps no issue more dramatically illustrates South Africa's metamorphosis from apartheid pariah than the mushrooming South African parastatal and corporate presence in Africa. From a time only 15 years ago when that presence was limited to the South African Customs Union (SACU) states and Zimbabwe, South African corporates are now running the national railroad in Cameroon, managing power plants in Mali and Zambia, controlling banks and supermarkets in Tanzania, Mozambique and Kenya, dominating the huge telecommunications markets in Nigeria, Uganda and Swaziland, taking a majority share in Ghana's 'flagship' mining house, Ashanti Goldfields, to cite just some of the larger ventures in what has sometimes in the popular media been referred to as the 'South Africanisation' of the African economy'. This is of course an exaggeration but may not be so in a decade or two if current trends are maintained. Reprinted by permission of Carfax Publishing, Taylor & Francis Ltd.

Südafrika hat seine zweite Amtszeit im UN-Sicherheitsrat nur teilweise genutzt, um Fehler aus der ersten Amtszeit wieder gut zu machen und eine afrikanische Agenda voranzubringen. Seine Priorität der wirtschaftsbezogenen Diplomatie und seine wechselnden Haltungen zu den Krisen in Côte d’Ivoire und Libyen haben keine kohärente UN-Politik erkennen lassen. Um seine Chancen auf einen ständigen Sitz zu erhöhen, muss das Land um mehr Unterstützung innerhalb Afrikas und bei den ständigen Mitgliedern werben. South Africa’s second term in the UN Security Council was perceived as a second chance. Analysts and commentators interpreted it as a way to compensate for the mistakes of its first term. Yet, in assessing Pretoria’s performance, there was ambivalence as to whether South Africa had redeemed itself and made the case for it to become one of the contenders for a permanent seat on a reformed Security Council. This article examines Pretoria’s role in the Security Council by highlighting some of the factors that shaped South Africa’s positio ning in the Council vis-à-vis its African Agenda and the Emer ging Powers’ dynamic. It concludes by reflecting whether Pretoria has done enough to strengthen its prospects of occupying a permanent seat at the Security Council.

In recent years, China and India have become the most important economic partners of Africa and their footprints are growing by leaps and bounds, transforming Africa's international relations in a dramatic way. Although the overall impact of China and India's engagement in Africa has been positive in the short-term, partly as a result of higher returns from commodity exports fuelled by excessive demands from both countries, little research exists on the actual impact of China and India's growing involvement on Africa's economic transformation. This book examines in detail the opportunities and challenges posed by the increasing presence of China and India in Africa, and proposes critical interventions that African governments must undertake in order to negotiate with China and India from a stronger and more informed platform.

In the run up to South Africa's three national elections both academia and the media advocated that electoral behaviour would be informed by the race census thesis. This article challenges this dominant thesis by using evidence from postapartheid South Africa's three general elections which suggests that the racial census thesis is not the only factor that determines and/or explains voter behaviour of the South African electorate. The indications are that significant sections of the electorate make rational choices during elections, and decide on the bases of information available to them that guides them to choose which party most closely represent their material and other interests. Therefore the article concludes that the link between racial/tribal identities and electoral behaviour is not strong enough and that opposition politicians who do not recognise this will continue to make the mistake of basing their electoral campaigns on crude racial assumptions about the South African electorate, resulting in failure to attract the support of a cross-section of the electorate. And the latter is bound to have negative consequences for the consolidation of democracy in the country. En Afrique du Sud, durant la période précédant les trois élections nationales, le monde académique et les media affirmaient que le comportement électoral de la population obéirait à la thèse du recensement social. Cet article remet en question cette thèse dominante en se servant d'exemples issus des trois élections générales de l'Afrique du Sud post-apartheid, qui montrent que la thèse du recensement social ne constitue pas l'unique facteur déterminant et/ou expliquant le comportement des électeurs sud-africains. Ces exemples indiquent que de larges portions de l'électorat effectuent des choix rationnels durant les élections et se prononcent en fonction des informations qu'ils reçoivent, qui les poussent ensuite vers le parti qui représente le mieux leurs intérêts matériels et autres. L'article conclut ainsi en affirmant que le lien entre identités raciales/tribales et comportement électoral n'est pas suffisamment fort et que les représentants de l'opposition qui ne reconnaissent pas ce fait continueront sur la mauvaise voie en basant leur campagne électorale sur de grossières hypothèses raciales relatives à l'électorat sud-africain. Le risque est qu'ils n'arriveront certainement pas ainsi à s'attirer le soutien d'un échantillon représentatif de l'électorat. En outre, ceci aura forcément des conséquences négatives sur la consolidation de la démocratie dans ce pays.