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Faced with the collapse of their economy and with the attempt by national elites to take what was left of their honor, most Serbs have finally awakened from their long lethargy following the war and nationalistic hysteria in the former Yugoslavia. The government's refusal to recognize election results (that is, the victory of Zajedno-the three-party opposition coalition) in Serbia's largest towns provoked hundreds of thousands of citizens (including about 30,000 students) to break the silence. This surprised many people, even opposition leaders. It took time for the West to start trusting the Serbian people, to recognize them as civilized citizens who seek democracy and civil society rather than mere nationalism. Non-violent and imaginative demonstrators-ignored by the state-controlled media, and faced with dictatorship and police brutality-revealed another Serbia, which many believed did not exist.

In this paper, I explore the experiences of women who found refuge in Serbia during the war in the former Yugoslavia. I look at the women's experiences of both leaving home and coping with everyday life in refuge. The exploration of refugee women's experiences is mainly based on analyses of their own stories, which I collected while researching women and war. In spite of all the hardship of their lives, refugee women who fled to Serbia have been treated by Western media, the public and aid organizations as 'UNPEOPLE' or as non-existent. Making their experiences visible as women, refugees and citizens is the main purpose of this article.

The Victimology Society of Serbia in Belgrade (Serbia) organised an international conference under the title 'Which model of truth and reconciliation is the most appropriate for the former Yugoslavia?' The main objective of the conference was the exchange of experiences concerning truth and reconciliation in different parts of the world, including different parts of the former Yugoslavia as well as the launching of a broader public discussion on these issues at the local community level in Serbia.

In addition, the European Union's fear of illegal migration and the reluctance of the international community to address the causes rather than the consequences of sex trafficking make arriving at a solution extremely difficult.77 Both factors are important reasons why even those changes which have been achieved in the Balkans did not produce the expected results in terms of increased safety for women who suffer from sex trafficking.78 To borrow words from noted US sociologist Susan Cunningham, if the society's structural dynamics continue to produce violence, antiviolence policies and programs are bound to fail.

While it might appear that, at least in the period before the trial, the protection of victims and witnesses of war rape is satisfactory, in reality, victims of war rape who decide to testify before the Tribunal are confronted with a number of problems. For a better understanding of the delicate situation of rape victims, it is important to note that five years after a mass media campaign and the alleged general interest in the destiny of rape victims, these same victims, with only rare exceptions, were deprived of any substantial support and/or help. They were forgotten and left at the mercy of the authorities of receiving countries (if they are refugees) or of their rapists (if they stayed behind and decided to or were forced to return to places where they had lived before). Insecure refugee status and, consequently, unsolved existential problems, prevents victims from psychological and physical recovery and, as a rule, traumatizes them even further. The slow and difficult procedures for obtaining refugee status, as well as the uncertainty of their residency in asylum countries, prolongs their own feelings of uncertainty and decreases the readiness of women to testify. Schiestl, in fact, suggests that because of oppressive asylum policies, most European countries \"are in effect culpable of suppressing evidence, especially evidence from women\" (136). Moreover, the special position of rape victims as well as other refugees who have settled in the territory of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (FRY) is ignored (see Stevanovic). Rape victims, as refugees in FRY, are faced with a lack of acceptance on the part of the local people as well as with a complete lack of organized and comprehensive support from both government and non-government organizations (NGOs). NGOs, in particular, including some women's groups, were greatly influenced by the creation of the image of \"the rape victim,\" a category reserved almost exclusively for raped Muslim women, and used for political and, military aims. This means that sometimes they were less concerned about the problems of Serbian women, as opposed to those of non-Serbian women, who stayed behind -- as refugees -- in Serbia. The worse off are those victims of war rape who returned to the place where they were originally victimized. They are faced not only with general political and economic insecurity, but also with real fear that, if they should decide to testify at the Tribunal, they would expose themselves to threats and reprisals by either the perpetrators themselves and/or persons close to them. As noted by [Schiestl], it will take a lot of time before the majority of victims are, Giving testimony before the Tribunal itself is traumatic for victims/witnesses for many reasons. The position of the witness is delicate since she/he is usually afraid of not being able to tell all the important details, as well as the concern that she/he will not speak clearly or in a systematic manner. When testifying before the Tribunal is in question, this feeling is intensified by the fact that the testimony is given through an interpreter so there is an additional fear of being misinterpreted. Moreover, the victim of war rape is often afraid of being rejected by persons close to her, feels intense shame and anxiety about how people who know her will react when they learn about her rape, and is traumatized by seeing the rapist again and reliving the horrifying details of the rape. Victims of war rape are also handicapped by the complete uncertainty of their status as well as by other traumas they experienced during the war.(f.6) For many women, the distinction between the United Nations Commission of Experts and the Tribunal is unclear so they do not understand why they have to give their statements a second time (Schiestl). Furthermore, the fact that they have already spoken about their rape experience to journalists and activists of different fact-finding organizations, without having their situation improved and without being spared repeating their statements before the Tribunal, makes them more vulnerable. It is not, therefore, surprising that to date only a few war rape victims have testified before the Tribunal.

The aim of the chapter is to explore the impact of armed conflicts and their consequences on victimization and offending of women and children, and the implications on how a State, international actors and civil society respond. First, the theoretical framework and an overview of available findings about the impact of war on crime is provided, with special emphasis on victimization and offending of women and children. Then, we present a detailed review and analysis of the situation in Serbia during and after armed conflicts on the territory of the former Yugoslavia. In the analysis of the Serbian situation, particular emphasis is put on the long-term impact of war on offending and victimization of women and children through domestic violence and trafficking in persons. In conclusion, the role of the State, civil society and international actors is assessed and recommendations for more timely and appropriate responses are offered.

A simple sol-gel method and external gelatinization method of hollow alumina spheres synthesis were developed in this study. The spheres were modified with polyethyleneimine (PEI) producing PEI-Al 2 O 3 via (3-glycidyloxypropyl)trimethoxy-silane, GLYMO, linker. Characterization results, obtained using XRD and SEM microscopy revealed spherical geometry with a hollow core of PEI-Al 2 O 3 adsorbent. Introduction of a large number of the amino group, 6.9 mmol g −1 , contributes to achieving high adsorption capacities, q m , of 95.6, 124.9, 61.3, and 125.9 mg g −1 for Cd 2+ , Pb 2+ , As(V), and DCF, respectively, which is obtained by using the Langmuir model. Thermodynamic studies indicated feasible adsorption and higher spontaneity with temperature increase. The kinetic study conveniently modeled using pseudo-second-order (PSO) and Weber-Morris kinetic model, as well as single resistance mass transfer model, indicated a change of the contribution of diffusional processes during adsorption with a dominance of intra-particle diffusion. The fixed-bed column adsorption data, fitted using Bohart-Adams, Clark, Yoon-Nelson, and Thomas models, showed lower capacity in comparison to batch study, and thus clear potential applicability of PEI-Al 2 O 3 was deduced even at a high loading of feed water.