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"Nunnally, Shayla C"
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Trust in Black America
The more citizens trust their government, the better democracy functions. However, African Americans have long suffered from the lack of equal protection by their government, and the racial discrimination they have faced breaks down their trust in democracy. Rather than promoting democracy, the United States government has, from its inception, racially discriminated against African American citizens and other racial groups, denying them equal access to citizenship and to protection of the law. Civil rights violations by ordinary citizens have also tainted social relationships between racial groups-social relationships that should be meaningful for enhancing relations between citizens and the government at large. Thus, trust and democracy do not function in American politics the way they should, in part because trust is not color blind.Based on the premise that racial discrimination breaks down trust in a democracy,Trust in Black Americaexamines the effect of race on African Americans' lives. Shayla Nunnally analyzes public opinion data from two national surveys to provide an updated and contemporary analysis of African Americans' political socialization, and to explore how African Americans learn about race. She argues that the uncertainty, risk, and unfairness of institutionalized racial discrimination has led African Americans to have a fundamentally different understanding of American race relations, so much so that distrust has been the basis for which race relations have been understood by African Americans. Nunnally empirically demonstrates that race and racial discrimination have broken down trust in American democracy.
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Racial Distancing in a Southern City: Latino Immigrants' Views of Black Americans
The United States is undergoing dramatic demographic change, primarily from immigration, and many of the new Latino immigrants are settling in the South. This paper examines hypotheses related to attitudes of Latino immigrants toward black Americans in a Southern city. The analyses are based on a survey of black, white, and Latino residents (n = 500). The results show, for the most part, Latino immigrants hold negative stereotypical views of blacks and feel that they have more in common with whites than with blacks. Yet, whites do not reciprocate in their feelings toward Latinos. Latinos' negative attitudes toward blacks, however, are modulated by a sense of linked fate with other Latinos. This research is important because the South still contains the largest population of African Americans in the United States, and no section of the country has been more rigidly defined along a black-white racial divide. How these new Latino immigrants situate themselves vis-à-vis black Americans has profound implications for the social and political fabric of the South.
Journal Article
A Discussion of Avidit Acharya, Matthew Blackwell, and Maya Sen’s Deep Roots: How Slavery Still Shapes Southern Politics
In Deep Roots (2018), Avidit Acharya, Matthew Blackwell, and Maya Sen offer an impressive, extensive, and extremely rigorous empirical analysis of the effects of high- and low-slave counties on the socioeconomic status and political psychology of white Americans. They consider how these effects are manifested, for example, in partisan votes within the Democratic Party (and for presidential and gubernatorial candidates) over time and through whites’ (non-) support of affirmative action or their subscription to racial resentment, as indicators of antiblack animus. Using “high-slave” and “low-slave” counties, as defined by the geographic concentration of enslaved African-descendant Americans in the US South (whose population is documented in the 1860 US Census), the authors use geography (via the “county”) as their primary unit of analysis, thereby linking political psychology to space and, most importantly, to history.
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How We Remember (and Forget) in Our Public History
Woodrow Wilson is the only American political scientist to have served as President of the United States. In the time between his political science Ph.D. (from Johns Hopkins, in 1886) and his tenure as president (1913–21), he also served as president of Princeton University (1902–10) and president of the American Political Science Association (1909–10). Wilson is one of the most revered figures in American political thought and in American political science. The Woodrow Wilson Award is perhaps APSA’s most distinguished award, given annually for the best book on government, politics, or international affairs published in the previous year, and sponsored by the Woodrow Wilson Foundation at Princeton University. Wilson has also recently become the subject of controversy, on the campus of Princeton University, and in the political culture more generally, in connection with racist statements that he made and the segregationist practices of his administration. A group of Princeton students associated with the “Black Lives Matter” movement has demanded that Wilson’s name be removed from two campus buildings, one of which is the famous Woodrow Wilson School of Public and International Affairs (see Martha A. Sandweiss, “Woodrow Wilson, Princeton, and the Complex Landscape of Race,” http://www.thenation.com/article/woodrow-wilson-princeton-and-the-complex-landscape-of-race/). Many others have resisted this idea, noting that Wilson is indeed an important figure in the history of twentieth-century liberalism and Progressivism in the United States. A number of colleagues have contacted me suggesting that Perspectives ought to organize a symposium on the Wilson controversy. Although we do not regularly organize symposia around current events, given the valence of the controversy and its connection to issues we have featured in our journal (see especially the September 2015 issue on “The American Politics of Policing and Incarceration”), and given Wilson's importance in the history of our discipline, we have decided to make an exception in this case. We have thus invited a wide range of colleagues whose views on this issue will interest our readers to comment on this controversy. —Jeffrey C. Isaac, Editor.
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(Dis)counting on Democracy to Work: Perceptions of Electoral Fairness in the 2008 Presidential Election
Allegations of voting irregularities in the 2000 and 2004 presidential elections seemingly compromised the integrity of the electoral outcomes. Because elections inform voters and provide them with information to be used in future elections, one can speculate that voters also can learn to fear electoral unfairness in future elections. This article examines how Blacks, Whites, and Latinos assessed prospects for voting irregularities in the 2008 presidential election. Using public opinion data from the National Politics and Socialization Survey, the analysis discerns whether there are racial differences in perceptions of voting irregularities. It tests the influence of trust in national government, ethics about the importance of the vote, and group consciousness (for Black respondents, specifically) in determining fear of voting irregularities. Results indicate generalized fear of voting irregularities, without racial differences. Political distrust enhances fear of voting irregularities. Blacks' racial consciousness enhances fear of voting irregularities in the 2008 presidential election.
Journal Article
LINKING BLACKNESS OR ETHNIC OTHERING?
Dawson (1994) submits Black linked fate is a major predictor of Black political behavior. This theory conjectures that the experiences of African Americans with race and racial discrimination in the United States unify their personal interests under a rubric of interests that are best for the Black racial group. With increasing Black ethnic diversity in the United States, however, it becomes important to ascertain how African Americans perceive linkages across Black ethnic groups. This study examines African Americans' linkages with West Indian and African peoples in the United States, referred to here as diasporic linked fate. The study tests the influence of parent-child, intra-racial socialization messages on these linkages. Results suggest that, while a majority of African Americans acknowledge Black linked fate, they distinguish these linkages based on ethnicity and have more tenuous linkages with West Indians and Africans in the United States. While intra-racial socialization messages offer some import in explaining perceived differences in Black ethnic groups' living experiences, more frequent experiences with racial discrimination, and membership in a Black organization offer more import in explaining diasporic linked fate.
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Can We All Get Along? The Arc of Paula D. McClain’s Career Shows That We Can
From her early work on crime, homicide, and politics in the Black community, to her pioneering scholarship on inter-group conflict and cooperation in politics, to her most recent work on tripartite inter-group relations in the American South, McClain continues to be a sentinel political scientist, always alert to emerging trends that demand rigorous theoretical explanation and substantial empirical backing—an intellectual disposition and commitment to academic excellence that was recognized by the American Academy of Arts and Sciences, which inducted her as one of its Fellows in 2014. For those that know her well, each of those strengths is vintage Paula McClain. 2019–2020 APSA President Paula D. McClain Professor of Political Science and Professor of Public Policy and Dean of The Graduate School and Vice Provost for Graduate Education, Duke University As part of the more inclusive political science that McClain has helped to create, she has also presided over—and helped to lead—a steady increase in the racial and ethnic diversity of our discipline. Like McClain, RBSI plays several key roles in our discipline: it trains and positions undergraduate students of color for entry into competitive doctoral programs and careers in political science; it professionalizes and connects all minority graduate students to leading faculty engaged in the study of race, ethnicity, and politics; and, it forges deeper and broader professional networks between each of these stakeholders. [...]as a tenured associate professor then full professor, she mentored both undergraduate and graduate students in the Department of Political Science and the School of Public Affairs, and taught classes on public administration, public policy, research methods and analysis, and race and ethnic politics.
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Moving from Victims to Victors: African American Attitudes on the \Culture of Poverty\ and Black Blame
Bill Cosby's controversial remarks at the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People's (NAACP) 50th Anniversary Commemoration for Brown v. Board of Education questioned the \"culture of poverty\" among blacks. This paper explores blacks' support of major themes raised in Cosby's speech—improving blacks' parenting of youth, relying less on government to transcend poverty, being contentious of black behavior, and ending out-of-wedlock births among blacks. By analyzing data in an original, national web-based survey of black, Latino, and white public opinion, results indicate most blacks strongly subscribe to several of these themes and often subscribe to them more than non-blacks. Despite class implications for supporting these themes, class indicators do not predict such attitudes. Several themes cohere on one factor, suggesting tenets of black blame.
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