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"Oettinger, Rebecca Wagner"
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BERG V. GERLACH: Printing and Lasso's Imperial Privilege of 1582
Roland de Lassus occupies a preeminent place among the typesetters of the last decades of the sixteenth century, in the sense of the way that it was possible for him to formulate requirements that turned out to be more important than those of his predecessors for the granting of privileges enabling him to publish his own works and to choose the printers which he wished. In 1571, King Charles X of France granted has Lassus a privilege for the publication of its music in France, and Lassus tried soon to obtain an identical privilege for the Holy Roman Empire of the German People. This was granted to him in 1581 and appeared for the first time in its quinque Sacrae cantiones vocum, published by Adam Berg in Munich. Lassus had worked with Berg since 1567 and Berg continued to print for him during the years 1570 and 1580. However in 1582, Lassus also authorized an editor of Nuremberg, Katharina Gerlach, to reprint several works before Berg. Discusses the relationship between Berg and Gerlach in relation to Lasso. (Author abstract - amended)
Journal Article
LUDWIG SENFL AND THE JUDAS TROPE: COMPOSITION AND RELIGIOUS TOLERATION AT THE BAVARIAN COURT
O du armer Judas, was hastu getan? Das du deinen Herren also verrathen han, Darumb mustu leiden in der helle pein Lucifers gesellen mustu ewig sein, Kyrieleison.ldquo;O wretched Judas, what have you done? / You have betrayed your Lord! / For that you must suffer torment in Hell, / You must be Lucifer's companion eternally. / Kyrie
eleison”. Text from P. Wackernagel, Das deutsche Kirchenlied von der ältesten Zeit bis zum
Anfang des XVII. Jahrhunderts, 5 vols. (Leipzig, 1864-77; repr. Hildesheim, 1964), ii, pp. 615-18; translation mine. Rooted in Catholic folk piety, the song ‘O du armer Judas’ became one of the most common expressions of religious and political belief in the popular culture of sixteenth-century Germany. The Judaslied was the ideal vehicle for musical propaganda in the Reformation, and it turned the Catholic notion of the eternally damned betrayer of Christ on its ear. Protestant polemicists rewrote the song to equate Catholic authorities with Judas, and their contrafacta forged unbreakable links between the Judaslied melody and the idea of Catholic corruption. The very strong political associations the song would come to have with the Lutheran movement might well have been reason enough for a composer to avoid setting such a controversial work polyphonically, but at least four chose it as a model.Other than Senfl, Arnold von Bruck, Matthias Eckel and Cosmas Alder also arranged the Judaslied polyphonically, and a number of anonymous settings exist. See Das Tenorlied: Mehrstimmige Lieder in deutschen Quellen, 1450-1580, ed. N. Böker-Heil, H. Heckmann and I. Kindermann, 3 vols. (Catalogus musicus, 9-11; Kassel, 1979-86), iii, p. 105. Among these was Ludwig Senfl, court composer to the Catholic Wittelsbach dukes in Bavaria. Senfl's setting raises interesting questions about his position at the court, his music and religious toleration in the early days of the Reformation.
Journal Article
Monteverdi and His Contemporaries
\"Monteverdi and His Contemporaries\" by Tim Carter is reviewed.
Book Review
Music as popular propaganda in the German Reformation, 1517-1555
This study of German vernacular songs transmitted in sixteenth-century pamphlets and broadsides examines the role such songs played in the spread of polemic and propaganda during the Protestant Reformation. Chapter I provides an introduction to the sources of these songs and an overview of the role such music has played in previous accounts of the Reformation. The second chapter's examination of Luther's views on the power of music leads in chapter 3 to an investigation of the reformer's 1523 ballad, “Ein neues Lied wir heben an.” This work, which appeared in the context of a polemical exchange over the canonization of Benno of Meissen, marked Luther's first use of song as propaganda and set an example for later Protestants intent on using music in the battle for souls. Most of the songs considered in this study made use of preexistent melodies. Chapter 4 shows why such contrafacta provided a particularly effective vehicle for the spread of information to the vast non-reading German population. Owing to the familiarity of their melodies, such songs made possible a level of distribution greater than that attainable by any printed medium alone. Particularly widespread were contrafacta of Catholic devotional music, which Protestants used to mock traditional belief and disrupt religious services. Focusing on a group of songs written in response to the 1548 Augsburg Interim, Chapter 5 demonstrates how popular song could become a form of popular resistance and dissent. Meant to reunite Catholics and Protestants, the Interim instead resulted in their further separation, as strict Lutherans attacked its provisions as “too Catholic.” Evangelical theologians composed numerous songs that eroded support for the Interim and helped bring about its end. Protestants facing such trials as the Interim, Luther's 1521 condemnation, or his death in 1546 came to interpret these events as signs of the end of time. In chapter 6, 1 discuss the apocalypse and Antichrist in Reformation music. Nearly a quarter of polemical songs from 1517 to 1555 used millenarian imagery to describe current events, providing consolation to Christians and reassurance that their struggles had meaning and would ultimately be rewarded.
Dissertation