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In the last 200ka, humans have explored and adapted to a changing world. Environmental challenges faced by humans today, like emergent pathogens and overpopulation, are not that different from the ones in the past. This article aims to discuss the patterns of disease observed in ancient human populations from southeastern and southern Brazil (hunter-gatherer groups associated to riverine and coastal shellmounds and agriculturalists associated to the Tupiguarani archaeological Tradition). The role of new pathogens and high demographic density will be discussed, as well as the interpretations regarding the frequencies of chronic infectious diseases that affect bones. We will also present the importance of understanding patterns of health and disease in past human populations in order to address present day scenarios related to climate change, vulnerable populations, and disease. Warning: This article discusses and presents images of ancient human remains. While we acknowledge that this can be a sensitive topic, we would like to stress the importance of studying and generating knowledge about past human populations which otherwise would be completely unknown and forgotten.

About 15 years ago, we suggested that the low frequency of archaeological sites dating from the mid-Holocene in several regions of Lowland South America (which was then called the “Archaic Gap”) was due to an increase in the magnitude of dry periods related to the mid-Holocene hypsithermal. Since then, data regarding paleoenvironmental reconstructions for this vast area, coupled with an increase in the archaeological knowledge, allow us to reassess the idea of the “Archaic Gap” and redefine both the spatial extent of the phenomenon and its possible causes. Our present analysis aims to present a broader picture of the relations between humans and the environment in Eastern South America since the Late Pleistocene. The obtained results suggest that the extent of the areas that were somewhat depopulated during the mid-Holocene is larger than previously thought; not only Central Brazil, but parts of the Amazon and the Pantanal (close to the Bolivian border) seem to show the same pattern. However, as expected when larger datasets are available, it is possible to perceive oscillations in the archaeological signal that suggest reoccupation of some areas. Although we maintain that the main reasons underlying these patterns are related to climate, they are most probably related to an increase in climatic variability, and not necessarily to an increase in dryness. These observations are of interest to the current debate about the effects of the global warming on human populations.

We are a group of archaeologists, anthropologists, curators and geneticists representing diverse global communities and 31 countries. All of us met in a virtual workshop dedicated to ethics in ancient DNA research held in November 2020. There was widespread agreement that globally applicable ethical guidelines are needed, but that recent recommendations grounded in discussion about research on human remains from North America are not always generalizable worldwide. Here we propose the following globally applicable guidelines, taking into consideration diverse contexts. These hold that: (1) researchers must ensure that all regulations were followed in the places where they work and from which the human remains derived; (2) researchers must prepare a detailed plan prior to beginning any study; (3) researchers must minimize damage to human remains; (4) researchers must ensure that data are made available following publication to allow critical re-examination of scientific findings; and (5) researchers must engage with other stakeholders from the beginning of a study and ensure respect and sensitivity to stakeholder perspectives. We commit to adhering to these guidelines and expect they will promote a high ethical standard in DNA research on human remains going forward. In this Perspective, a group representing a range of stakeholders makes the case for a set of five proposed globally applicable ethical guidelines for ancient human DNA research.

Cooperation is the cornerstone of lion social behavior. In a notorious case, a coalition of two adult male lions from Tsavo, southern Kenya, cooperatively killed dozens of railway workers in 1898. The \"man-eaters of Tsavo\" have since become the subject of numerous popular accounts, including three Hollywood films. Yet the full extent of the lions' man-eating behavior is unknown; estimates range widely from 28 to 135 victims. Here we use stable isotope ratios to quantify increasing dietary specialization on novel prey during a time of food limitation. For one lion, the δ¹³C and δ¹⁵N values of bone collagen and hair keratin (which reflect dietary inputs over years and months, respectively) reveal isotopic changes that are consistent with a progressive dietary specialization on humans. These findings not only support the hypothesis that prey scarcity drives individual dietary specialization, but also demonstrate that sustained dietary individuality can exist within a cooperative framework. The intensity of human predation (up to 30% reliance during the final months of 1898) is also associated with severe craniodental infirmities, which may have further promoted the inclusion of unconventional prey under perturbed environmental conditions.

Dentre as inúmeras informações possíveis de se obter a partir da análise de artefatos ósseos, uma delas é a identificação das espécies e partes anatômicas utilizadas para a confecção desses artefatos. No território brasileiro, quatro espécies de cervídeos são comumente encontradas nas regiões sul e sudeste: Mazama americana, Mazama gouazoubira, Ozotoceros bezoarticus e Blastocerus dichotomus. Ao longo do Holoceno, ossos e galhadas dessas espécies de cervídeos foram utilizados no lascamento lítico, na produção de pontas ósseas e espátulas, entre outros artefatos. Estudos preliminares dos artefatos ósseos recuperados de três sítios arqueológicos de grupos caçadores-coletores do sudeste e sul do Brasil - sítio Lapa do Santo (MG), sítio Tunas (PR), e sítio Garivaldino (RS) - demonstram uma preferência por ossos de cervídeos para a confecção desses artefatos.

Auditory exostoses are bone anomalies located on the floor of the external auditory canal. They frequently develop in individuals who participate in water sports and other aquatic activities. Their etiology is probably multifactorial; development seems to be triggered by regular exposure to cold water, as well as to low air temperatures and/or cold winds. The presence of auditory exostoses has been recorded in human skull fossils that date back approximately 250,000 years. We conducted a study of auditory exostoses in 621 skulls of adult humans who had been part of a marine-dependent population that lived on the Brazilian coast between 5,400 and 800 years ago. The overall frequency of exostoses was 22%, but there was a great variance among different subgroups (0 to 56%). In this article, we propose some possible explanations for this variance. We also hope that our study will stimulate multidisciplinary research aimed at deciphering the intricate bony messages contained in cryptic archaeologic remains.

Até meados da década de 1990, predominava na literatura especializada que o Novo Mundo teria sido colonizado por tres levas distintas, todas com origem no nordeste asiático. Na segunda metade da década, dois modelos alternativos começaram a desfrutar de grande popularidade entre a comunidade acadêmica internacional. O primeiro deles, denominado \"Modelo dos Dois Componentes Biológicos Principais\", baseado na variabilidade craniométrica de populações nativas americanas extintas, sugere que a América teria sido colonizada por pelo menos duas populações morfologicamente distintas vindas do nordeste asiático. O segundo, gerado por pesquisas sobre a variabilidade do DNA mitocondrial e do cromossomo Y de populações indígenas atuais, defende que o continente americano teria sido colonizado por apenas uma migração, também de origem asiática. Alguns especialistas acreditam que a compatibilização desses dois modelos é simples: as duas morfologías que se sucederam no tempo no Novo Mundo são resultado de um processo microevolutivo local, independente daquele que ocorreu, em paralelo, na Ásia. Uma outra maneira de compatibilizar os dois cenários é assumir que morfologia craniana e linhagens de DNA são entidades evolutivamente independentes, com histórias, modos, tempos e tendências próprias. Este trabalho apresenta novas evidências de que dois padrões morfológicos cranianos de fato se sucederam no Novo Mundo. Um relacionado às populações mais antigas (paleoíndias) e um relacionado a populações arcaicas e agrocerâmicas. Esses resultados são analisados à luz da discussão acima caracterizada. Until mid 1990s the prevailing model to explain the early colonization of the Americas rested on the assumption that three different migrations were involved in the process. The first migration would have given rise to most of the modern Native Americans, and is known as \"Amerind\"; the second migration would have given rise only to the Na-Dene Indians of the northern pacific; while the third would have given rise to the Eskimos and Aleuts. Known as the Three Migrations Model, the model was said to rest on convergent evidences coming from dental morphology, linguistics and the gene pool of living Native Americans. By the time the model was formulated, genetic diversity of living humans was studied by means of gene products, like serum proteins, and not by means of DNA itself. From mid 1990s on, two other models to explain the origin of Native Americans started competing with the Three Migration Model. They are known today as The Two Main Biological Components Model, and The Single Migration Model. The first one rests on the analysis of the cranial morphology of extinct and extant Native Americans along time, while the second has emerged from the study of DNA polymorphisms of living populations, mainly from mitochondrial and Y chromosome DNA sequencing. In other words, evidence coming from cranial morphology and its variation along time sustains that two Northern Asian populations entered the continent: the first one exhibiting a more generalized cranial pattern, and a second one exhibiting a more specialized architecture. On the other hand, the distribution of DNA haplogroups in modern Native American populations is easily explained by the entrance of only one mother population from Northern Asia. In this study we present new evidence that two very distinct cranial morphologies are indeed found among extinct Native Americans along time: a more generalized cranial pattern typifying the first newcomers, known in the literature as Paleoindians (12 to 8 thousand years ago), and a more specialized pattern typifying latter groups, since the Archaic period (<8 thousand years). Although exceptions to this temporal logic have already been found, the chronology proposed seems to work in the vast majority of the American continent. The results obtained are discussed under the light of those generated by Molecular Biology of extant Native Americans.

Apesar da existência de contatos entre planalto e litoral brasileiros ser atualmente quase um consenso entre os arqueólogos nacionais, não há muita certeza de como teria se dado tal contato e qual seria o fluxo entre interior e costa. O vale do Ribeira de Iguape (SP) é uma das raras regiões do Sul-Sudeste do país onde tal comunicação seria bastante facilitada devido a peculiaridades de sua geomorfologia. Neste trabalho, apresentamos os resultados de uma análise craniométrica comparativa entre 12 esqueletos provenientes de sambaquis fluviais do vale do Ribeira datados entre 6.000 e 1.200 anos AP e 225 esqueletos oriundos de diversas séries pré-históricas brasileiras do interior e do litoral. Ao contrário do que se observa no início do Holoceno nesse vale, não há qualquer afinidade biológica entre os ribeirinhos mais tardios e os paleoíndios de Lagoa Santa ou qualquer outra série interiorana. Os grupos fluviais (ambos os sexos) associam-se aos sambaquis da costa de São Paulo e do Paraná, mostrando que houve realmente um contato considerável entre a planície costeira e o planalto, ao menos no estado de São Paulo a partir da segunda metade do Holoceno. Although there is no doubt about human contacts between inland and coast in Southern Brazil during archaic times, these contacts remains unknown. Due to its geomorphologic idiosyncrasies, the Ribeira de Iguape valley, in the State of São Paulo, is one of few regions in Southeastern Brazil where this communication could be easily performed. Here we present results of a craniometric analysis using 12 human skeletons from riverine shellmounds from Ribeira de Iguape valley, dated to between 6,000 and 1,200 years before present (non calibrated). These specimens were compared to 225 human skeletons from several Brazilian pre-historic sites from inland and coast. The biological affinity found in early Holocene individuals from this valley and Paleoamericans was not observed for the archaic riverine shellmound groups. No affinities were found between them and other inland series, as well. The riverine shellmound groups are close to the coastal shellmound groups from São Paulo and Paraná, which can be interpreted as evidence of a relevant contact between coast and inland, at least in Southern São Paulo State in the middle Holocene.

A publication on the archaeological and paleontological research in the Lagoa Santa region since the nineteenth century, focusing on the early human occupation and its implications for the colonization of the Americas, is a most welcome and long-awaited contribution. Given these results, as well as the evidence of human remains older than Clovis, the authors justify the need to develop a research project in the region that would include new and systematic excavations in order to increase the sample of human skeletons, as well as to collect other contextual archaeological evidence (e.g., faunal remains, lithics, sediment). [...]they endorse the testing of specific hypotheses, including the long-lived hypothesis first proposed by Lund about the contemporaneity of humans and megamastofauna. [...]there is a final chapter on the valuable contributions of tropical geoarchaeology, stemming mainly from the project led by Neves.