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Although urban greening is universally recognized as an essential part of sustainable and climate-responsive cities, a growing literature on green gentrification argues that new green infrastructure, and greenspace in particular, can contribute to gentrification, thus creating social and racial inequalities in access to the benefits of greenspace and further environmental and climate injustice. In response to limited quantitative evidence documenting the temporal relationship between new greenspaces and gentrification across entire cities, let alone across various international contexts, we employ a spatially weighted Bayesian model to test the green gentrification hypothesis across 28 cities in 9 countries in North America and Europe. Here we show a strong positive and relevant relationship for at least one decade between greening in the 1990s–2000s and gentrification that occurred between 2000–2016 in 17 of the 28 cities. Our results also determine whether greening plays a “lead”, “integrated”, or “subsidiary” role in explaining gentrification. The relationship between new greenspaces and gentrification is an important one for urbanization. Here the authors show a positive relationship for at least one decade between greening in the 1990s–2000s and gentrification that occurred between 2000–2016 in 17 of 28 studied cities in North America and Europe.

Although cities globally are increasingly mobilizing re-naturing projects to address diverse urban socio-environmental and health challenges, there is mounting evidence that these interventions may also be linked to the phenomenon known as green gentrification. However, to date the empirical evidence on the relationship between greenspaces and gentrification regarding associations with different greenspace types remains scarce. This study focused on 28 mid-sized cities in North America and Western Europe. We assessed improved access to different types of greenspace (i.e. total area of parks, gardens, nature preserves, recreational areas or greenways [i] added before the 2000s or [ii] added before the 2010s) and gentrification processes (including [i] gentrification for the 2000s; [ii] gentrification for the 2010s; [iii] gentrification throughout the decades of the 2000s and 2010s) in each small geographical unit of each city. To estimate the associations, we developed a Bayesian hierarchical spatial model for each city and gentrification time period (i.e. a maximum of three models per city). More than half of our models showed that parks—together with other factors such as proximity to the city center—are positively associated with gentrification processes, particularly in the US context, except in historically Black disinvested postindustrial cities with lots of vacant land. We also find than in half of our models newly designated nature preserves are negatively associated with gentrification processes, particularly when considering gentrification throughout the 2000s and the 2010s and in the US. Meanwhile, for new gardens, recreational spaces and greenways, our research shows mixed results (some positive, some negative and some no effect associations). Considering the environmental and health benefits of urban re-naturing projects, cities should keep investing in improving park access while simultaneously implementing anti-displacement and inclusive green policies.

Background Odors are a documented environmental justice challenge in Denver, Colorado. Complaints are an important modality through which residents express their concerns. Objective We investigated disparities in environmental justice related-variables based on home and workplace census block groups (race/ethnicity, education-levels, renter-occupied housing, median income and median home values, gentrification) based on locations of odor complaints as well as that of potentially malodorous facilities. We report key themes identified in complaints. Methods We obtained odor complaints for 2014-2023, and the locations of facilities required to submit odor management plans as of 2023 from the Denver Department of Public Health and Environment. We downloaded residential census block group-level socioeconomic data from the 2016-2020 American Community Survey; and workplace-based socioeconomic data from the Longitudinal Employer-Household Dynamics dataset for 2020. We categorized neighborhoods as gentrified or not based on a typology produced by the Urban Displacement Project. We assessed exposure to potentially malodorous facilities and complaints within each census block group and investigated exposure disparities by comparing distributions of environmental justice-related variables based on if a facility or a complaint has been made, and census block group-level odor intensity categories. Results Less privileged census block groups were significantly disproportionately burdened with potentially malodorous facilities. Importantly, our study also reveals disparities in the location of facilities, not just in traditional residence/-based environmental justice-related variables, but in workplace/-based factors, as well. We did not observe similar disparities for odor complaints. However, complaints were significantly higher in gentrified neighborhoods.

Restrictions on the use of public space and social distancing have been key policy measures to reduce the transmission of SAR-CoV-2 and protect public health. At the time of writing, one half of the world’s population has been asked to stay home and avoid many public places. What will be the long term impacts of the COVID-19 pandemic on public space once the restrictions have been lifted? The depth and extent of transformation is unclear, especially as it relates to the future design, use and perceptions of public space. This article aims to highlight emerging questions at the interface of COVID-19 and city design. It is possible that the COVID-19 crisis may fundamentally change our relationship with public space. In the ensuing months and years, it will be critical to study and measure these changes in order to inform urban planning and design in a post-COVID-19 world.