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Between 1935 and 1940, the Nazis incorporated large portions of Europe into the German Reich. The contributors to this volume analyze the evolving anti-Jewish policies in the annexed territories and their impact on the Jewish population, as well as the attitudes and actions of non-Jews, Germans, and indigenous populations. They demonstrate that diverse anti-Jewish policies developed in the different territories, which in turn affected practices in other regions and even influenced Berlin's decisions. Having these systematic studies together in one volume enables a comparison - based on the most recent research - between anti-Jewish policies in the areas annexed by the Nazi state. The results of this prizewinning book call into question the common assumption that one central plan for persecution extended across Nazi-occupied Europe, shifting the focus onto differing regional German initiatives and illuminating the cooperation of indigenous institutions.

Between 1935 and 1940, the Nazis incorporated large portions of Europe into the German Reich. The contributors to this volume analyze the evolving anti-Jewish policies in the annexed territories and their impact on the Jewish population, as well as the attitudes and actions of non-Jews, Germans, and indigenous populations. They demonstrate that diverse anti-Jewish policies developed in the different territories, which in turn affected practices in other regions and even influenced Berlin's decisions. Having these systematic studies together in one volume enables a comparison - based on the most recent research - between anti-Jewish policies in the areas annexed by the Nazi state. The results of this prizewinning book call into question the common assumption that one central plan for persecution extended across Nazi-occupied Europe, shifting the focus onto differing regional German initiatives and illuminating the cooperation of indigenous institutions.

After the First World War, the world familiar to the approximately 3.2 million German residents of Bohemia and Moravia collapsed within weeks.¹ The Austro-Hungarian Empire’s disintegration was followed by their homeland’s incorporation into the Republic of Czechoslovakia. The provinces of German Bohemia and Sudetenland, proclaimed in October 1918, went unrecognized, and the desire to unite the territories with the Republic of German-Austria went unheeded. Instead, the Czech military marched into the German settlement areas. All German efforts in Bohemia and Moravia to claim the right of national self-determination as announced by President Woodrow Wilson failed. A request for a referendum

In the decades after the Second World War, the historiography in Germany initially developed along trajectories that were as divided as the nation itself. Efforts in the Federal Republic¹ and the GDR to grapple with the Nazi persecution of the Jews began in the 1960s, starting with the publication in the GDR of an important edition of documents on the persecution of the Jews in occupied Poland that also included the regions annexed by the Reich.² The period from the 1960s to the 1980s also witnessed the publication in both countries of the first isolated studies and documentations on the

In early 2005 the President of the EU Commission, José Manuel Barroso, referred in an essay to “Auschwitz-Birkenau in Poland” but failed to mention Nazi Germany’s responsibility for the camp, spark ing fierce protests in Poland.¹ Polish reactions looked very much the same when the President of the United States, Barack Obama, in a speech honoring Jan Karski in May 2012, described Auschwitz as a “Polish death camp.”² Of course, Barroso and Obama can hardly be suspected of harboring revisionist tendencies; even so, these examples reveal how references to the extermination camp have been beset by increasingly common and gravely