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Developed countries are about to experience unprecedented demographic changes. The increasing population, wealth and carbon-intensive lifestyles of senior citizens raise concerns that should be addressed.

Although buildings produce a third of greenhouse gas emissions, it has been suggested that they might be one of the most cost-effective climate change mitigation solutions. Among building materials, wood not only produces fewer emissions according to life-cycle assessment but can also store carbon. This study aims to estimate the carbon storage potential of new European buildings between 2020 and 2040. While studies on this issue exist, they mainly present rough estimations or are based on a small number of case studies. To ensure a reliable estimation, 50 different case buildings were selected and reviewed. The carbon storage per m2 of each case building was calculated and three types of wooden buildings were identified based on their carbon storage capacity. Finally, four European construction scenarios were generated based on the percentage of buildings constructed from wood and the type of wooden buildings. The annual captured CO2 varied between 1 and 55 Mt, which is equivalent to between 1% and 47% of CO2 emissions from the cement industry in Europe. This study finds that the carbon storage capacity of buildings is not significantly influenced by the type of building, the type of wood or the size of the building but rather by the number and the volume of wooden elements used in the structural and non-structural components of the building. It is recommended that policymakers aiming for carbon-neutral construction focus on the number of wooden elements in buildings rather than more general indicators, such as the amount of wood construction, or even detailed indirect indicators, such as building type, wood type or building size. A practical scenario is proposed for use by European decision-makers, and the role of wood in green building certification is discussed.

Negative relationships between urban density and greenhouse gas emissions from daily travel are well established in the literature. However, recent research suggests that higher urban density is associated with higher emissions from long-distance leisure travel, such as car weekend trips and international flights. This article presents the first systematic review of empirical evidence on these associations and discusses potential explanations. A two-step article selection process yielded 27 empirical articles, complemented by one article published during the review process. When international travel is included in the analysis, the results suggest that residents of the largest cities, and particularly those from centrally located and densely built areas, travel more to cover long distances than do others, after controlling for demographic and socioeconomic variables. When only domestic travel is included, residents of larger settlements and areas of higher density engage in less long-distance travel for leisure purposes than those living in smaller settlements and sparsely built areas. The results of the review are indicative and warrant more research. Generalization is currently limited because of the wide variety of travel behavior measures used, consideration of different travel modes and trip purposes, and geographic scope. There is a strong need for replication of the results using consistent methodology, using data from longer and more recent time spans, and expanding to more diverse geographical settings, especially outside Europe. The systematic review is followed by a narrative review of theoretical explanations of the associations. The most common explanations include: rebound effects, the compensation hypothesis, access to transport infrastructure, urban lifestyles, sociopsychological characteristics, and social networks. Socioeconomic variables are controlled in a majority of the reviewed studies, and business travel is excluded from the review, so the concentration of wealth and business in cities may explain the findings only to some extent. Nonetheless, there is not enough empirical evidence on the causal character of the associations and therefore further qualitative and multidisciplinary work is needed. Compact city and urban densification policies are not strongly challenged by current evidence, and most common policy recommendations point to including air travel into carbon taxing or quota schemes.

Urbanisation influences resource use through increasing affluence and dense infrastructure, enabling different lifestyles. Previous literature has highlighted the benefits of material efficiency that cities can provide. However, there is little research on household material footprints (MFs) in this context. MFs cover all material requirements throughout global supply chains and allocate these to the final consumer of a product or service. The study aims to fill this literature gap by analysing how household MFs and their different categories vary in Europe according to socioeconomic variables and the degree of urbanisation. Furthermore, we adjust our baseline model to see how adding the MF of transport infrastructure use affects the outcomes. The MFs decrease strongly with an increasing degree of urbanisation when infrastructure is taken into account, but much less so, when only household material consumption is considered. Surprisingly, household metal footprints are higher in rural than urban areas. This is mainly because household vehicles have a larger impact on metal footprints than electronic devices, for example. Differences in the MF patterns between countries highlight the importance of tailored material efficiency policies considering local characteristics.

The circular economy model aims to reduce the consumption of virgin materials by increasing the time materials remain in use while transitioning economic activities to sectors with lower material intensities. Circular economy concepts have largely been focussed on the role of businesses and institutions, yet consumer changes can have a large impact. In a more circular economy consumers often become users-they purchase access to goods and services rather than physical products. Other consumer engagement includes purchasing renewable energy, recycling and using repair and maintenance services etc. However, there are few studies on whether consumers actually make these sorts of consumption choices at large scale, and what impacts arise from these choices on life-cycle material consumption. Here we examine what types of households exhibit circular consumption habits, and whether such habits are reflected in their material footprints. We link the Eurostat Household Budget Survey 2010 with a global input-output model and assess the material footprints of 189 800 households across 24 European countries, making the results highly generalizable in the European context. Our results reveal that different types of households (young, seniors, families etc) adopt different circular features in their consumption behaviour. Furthermore, we show that due to rebound effects, the circular consumption habits investigated have a weak connection to total material footprint. Our findings highlight the limitations of circular consumption in today's economic systems, and the need for stronger policy incentives, such as shifting taxation from renewable resources and labour to non-renewable resources.

Urbanisation increases household carbon footprints in developing economies. However, the results from developed countries have varied, particularly in Europe. This study provides a coherent comparison of the impact of the degree of urbanisation on income, expenditure and carbon footprints in Europe. On average, carbon footprints are 7% lower in cities than in rural areas when income and household characteristics are controlled. However, this is compensated by the 6% higher average income in cities. The patterns are not uniform in all countries. In Eastern Europe, the pattern is similar to other developing regions. In some Western European countries, both the income level and the carbon footprints are lower in urban areas than in rural areas. In the rest of Europe, the differences in income level between rural and urban areas are small, but they still largely compensate for the efficiency benefits of urban areas. We call for more systemic emissions accounting and climate strategies.

Background: Current climate change mitigation policies, including the Paris Agreement, are based on territorial greenhouse gas (GHG) accounting. This neglects the understanding of GHG emissions embodied in trade. As a solution, consumption-based accounting (CBA) that reveals the lifecycle emissions, including transboundary flows, is gaining support as a complementary information tool. CBA is particularly relevant in cities that tend to outsource a large part of their production-based emissions to their hinterlands. While CBA has so far been used relatively little in practical policymaking, it has been used widely by scientists. Methods and design: The purpose of this systematic review, which covers more than 100 studies, is to reflect the policy implications of consumption-based carbon footprint (CBCF) studies at different spatial scales. The review was conducted by reading through the discussion sections of the reviewed studies and systematically collecting the given policy suggestions for different spatial scales. We used both numerical and qualitative methods to organize and interpret the findings of the review. Review results and discussion: The motivation for the review was to investigate whether the unique consumption perspective of CBA leads to similarly unique policy features. We found that various carbon pricing policies are the most widely supported policy instrument in the relevant literature. However, overall, there is a shortage of discussion on policy instruments, since the policy discussions focus on policy outcomes, such as behavioral change or technological solutions. In addition, some policy recommendations are conflicting. Particularly, urban density and compact city policies are supported by some studies and questioned by others. To clarify the issue, we examined how the results regarding the relationship between urban development and the CBCF vary. The review provides a concise starting point for policymakers and future research by summarizing the timely policy implications.

Current national greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions accounts and mitigation targets are mostly based on territorial GHG accounting. While several analyses present future trajectories describing how nations could achieve emissions targets, there are relatively few analyses from the consumption-based perspective. Simultaneously, there is a broad literature on consumption-based carbon footprints of individuals and regions, but without connection to the remaining carbon budgets and associated mitigation pathways, nor to the current levels of human development. This study contributes to these debates by downscaling the 1.5-degree target to an individual scale for 152 countries, following the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC’s) shared socioeconomic pathway (SSP1-1.9) pathway. We compare the calculated limits to current carbon footprints and show how the individual carbon budget can be operationalized on a national and regional level using Africa, Europe, and the USA as examples. We show that while GHG emissions in Europe and the USA greatly exceed the budget, in Africa the budget allows even growth in the short and medium term, and the emission cuts later if the remaining carbon budget is equally allocated regardless of the historic emissions. Finally, we modify the planetary pressures adjusted human development index (HDI) with consumption-based carbon footprints to highlight how different accounting principles underscore the uneven development between nations. We find that the average carbon footprint of many highly developed nations is as much as seven times the climate-sustainable limit. Furthermore, these same nations perform poorly when measuring their development level with the consumption-based emissions updated planetary pressures HDI. However, in the majority of nations (80% of the global population) the average carbon footprint is near or below the climate-sustainable level, but not in any of the top HDI countries. Our findings highlight that stronger policy and swift changes are needed to bring the carbon footprints of the residents of affluent countries to a climate-sustainable level.

Sustainable forest management and harvested wood products together can create a growing carbon sink by storing carbon in long-lived products. The role of wood products in climate change mitigation has been studied from several perspectives, but not yet from a consumer’s view. In this study, we examine the impact of wooden housing on consumer carbon footprints in Finland. We use the 2016 Finnish Household Budget Survey and Exiobase 2015, a global multi-regional input-output model. The sample size is 3700 households, of which 45% live in a wooden house. We find that residents of wooden houses have a 12(±3)% (950 kg CO 2 -eq/year) lower carbon footprint on average than residents of non-wooden houses, when income, household type, education of the main income provider, age of the house, owner-occupancy and urban zone are controlled in regression analysis. This is not fully explained by the impact of the construction material, which suggests that the residents of wooden houses may have some features in their lifestyles that lower their carbon footprints further. In addition, we find that an investment in a new wooden house in an urban area has a strong reducing impact on a consumer’s carbon footprint, while investments in other types of housing have a weaker or no reducing impact. Our findings support wooden housing as a meaningful sustainable consumption choice.

While the greenhouse gas emissions of most sectors are declining in the EU, transport emissions are increasing. Passenger cars compose a large share of the transport sector emissions, and a lot of effort has been made to reduce them. Despite the significantly improved environmental performance of passenger cars, there is a prevailing belief that they are the most environmentally harmful mode of ground transport. In the study at hand, we illustrate how rebound effects of consumption may change this view. Passenger car is a relatively expensive transport mode. Expenditure on car-ownership reduces the remaining household budget and the related carbon footprint. Here, we compare the total consumer carbon footprints per capita between fossil-fuel car owners, green car owners, and car-free households in the Nordic countries, using survey data including 7 400 respondents. When income and household type are controlled with regression analysis, respondents without a car for climate reasons and ‘minimal drivers’, meaning the least driving 10% of fossil-fuel car owners, have the lowest carbon footprints. Other car-free households have 6% higher footprints, electric- and biofuel car owners 18%–24% higher footprints, and the increasingly driving fossil-fuel car owners 30%–189% higher carbon footprints than the first two groups. However, the working middle-income green car owners, minimal drivers, and car-free households have very similar sized carbon footprints. The results show some trade-off between car ownership and flying despite that the data was collected between 2021 and 2022, when COVID-19 was still partly affecting air travel.