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Background Trust is critical to generate and maintain demand for vaccines in low and middle income countries. However, there is little documentation on how health system insufficiencies affect trust in vaccination and the process of re-building trust once it has been compromised. We reflect on how disruptions to immunizations systems can affect trust in vaccination and can compromise vaccine utilization. We then explore key pathways for overcoming system vulnerabilities in order to restore trust, to strengthen the resilience of health systems and communities, and to promote vaccine utilization. Methods Utilizing secondary data and a review of the literature, we developed a causal loop diagram (CLD) to map the determinants of building trust in immunizations. Using the CLD, we devised three scenarios to illustrate common vulnerabilities that compromise trust and pathways to strengthen trust and utilization of vaccines, specifically looking at weak health systems, harmful communication channels, and role of social capital. Spill-over effects, interactions and other dynamics in the CLD were then examined to assess leverage points to counter these vulnerabilities. Results Trust in vaccination arises from the interactions among experiences with the health system, the various forms of communication and social capital – both external and internal to communities. When experiencing system-wide shocks such as the case in Ebola-affected countries, distrust is reinforced by feedback between the health and immunization systems where distrust often lingers even after systems are restored and spills over beyond vaccination in the broader health system. Vaccine myths or anti-vaccine movements reinforce distrust. Social capital – the collective value of social networks of community members – plays a central role in increasing levels of trust. Conclusions Trust is important, yet underexplored, in the context of vaccine utilization. Using a CLD to illustrate various scenarios helped to explore how common health and vaccine vulnerabilities can reinforce and spill over distrust through vicious, reinforcing feedback. Restoring trust requires a careful balance between eliminating vulnerabilities and strengthening social capital and interactions among communication channels.

Background Although donor transitions from HIV programs are more frequent, little research exists seeking to understand the perceptions of patients and providers on this process. Between 2015 and 2017, PEPFAR implemented the ´geographic prioritization´ (GP) policy in Uganda whereby it shifted support from 734 ‘low-volume’ facilities and 10 districts with low HIV burden and intensified support in select facilities in high-burden districts. Our analysis intends to explore patient and provider perspectives on the impact of loss of PEPFAR support on HIV services in transitioned health facilities in Uganda. Methods We report qualitative findings from a larger mixed-methods evaluation. Six facilities were purposefully selected as case studies seeking to ensure diversity in facility ownership, size, and geographic location. Five out of the six selected facilities had experienced transition. A total of 62 in-depth interviews were conducted in June 2017 (round 1) and November 2017 (round 2) with facility in-charges ( n  = 13), ART clinic managers ( n  = 12), representatives of PEPFAR implementing organizations ( n  = 14), district health managers ( n  = 23) and 12 patient focus group discussions ( n  = 72) to elicit perceived effects of transition on HIV service delivery. Data were analyzed using thematic analysis. Results While core HIV services, such as testing and treatment, offered by case-study facilities prior to transition were sustained, patients and providers reported changes in the range of HIV services offered and a decline in the quality of HIV services offered post-transition. Specifically, in some facilities we found that specialized pediatric HIV services ceased, free HIV testing services stopped, nutrition support to HIV clients ended and the ‘mentor mother’ ART adherence support mechanism was discontinued. Patients at three ART-providing facilities reported that HIV service provision had become less patient-centred compared to the pre-transition period. Patients at some facilities perceived waiting times at clinics to have become longer, stock-outs of anti-retroviral medicines to have been more frequent and out-of-pocket expenditure to have increased post-transition. Conclusions Participants perceived transition to have had the effect of narrowing the scope and quality of HIV services offered by case-study facilities due to a reduction in HIV funding as well as the loss of the additional personnel previously hired by the PEPFAR implementing organizations for HIV programming. Replacing the HIV programming gap left by PEPFAR in transition districts with Uganda government services is critical to the attainment of 90–90-90 targets in Uganda.

Large-scale epidemics in resource-constrained settings disrupt delivery of core health services, such as routine immunization. Rebuilding and strengthening routine immunization programs following epidemics is an essential step toward improving vaccine equity and averting future outbreaks. We performed a comparative case study analysis of routine immunization program recovery in Liberia and Haiti following the 2014–16 West Africa Ebola epidemic and 2010s cholera epidemic, respectively. First, we triangulated data between the peer-reviewed and grey literature; in-depth key informant interviews with subject matter experts; and quantitative metrics of population health and health system functioning. We used these data to construct thick descriptive narratives for each case. Finally, we performed a cross-case comparison by applying a thematic matrix based on the Essential Public Health Services framework to each case narrative. In Liberia, post-Ebola routine immunization coverage surpassed pre-epidemic levels, a feat attributable to investments in surveillance, comprehensive risk communication, robust political support for and leadership around immunization, and strong public-sector recovery planning. Recovery efforts in Haiti were fragmented across a broad range of non-governmental agencies. Limitations in funding, workforce development, and community engagement further impeded vaccine uptake. Consequently, Haiti reported significant disparities in subnational immunization coverage following the epidemic. This study suggests that embedding in-country expertise within outbreak response structures, respecting governmental autonomy, aligning post-epidemic recovery plans and policies, and integrating outbreak response assets into robust systems of primary care contribute to higher, more equitable levels of routine immunization coverage in resource-constrained settings recovering from epidemics.

Since 2004, the President's Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief (PEPFAR) has played a large role in Uganda's HIV/AIDS response. To better target resources to high burden regions and facilities, PEPFAR planned to withdraw from 29% of previously-supported health facilities in Uganda between 2015 and 2017. We conducted a cross-sectional survey of 226 PEPFAR-supported health facilities in Uganda in mid-2017. The survey gathered information on availability, perceived quality, and access to HIV services before and after transition. We compare responses for facilities transitioned to those maintained on PEPFAR, accounting for survey design. We also extracted data from DHIS2 for the period October 2013-December 2017 on the number of HIV tests and counseling (HTC), number of patients on antiretroviral therapy (Current on ART), and retention on first-line ART (Retention) at 12 months. Using mixed effect models, we compare trends in service volume around the transition period. There were 206 facilities that reported transition and 20 that reported maintenance on PEPFAR. Some facilities reporting transition may have been in a gap between implementing partners. The median transition date was September 2016, nine months prior to the survey. Transition facilities were more likely to discontinue HIV outreach following transition (51.6% vs. 1.4%, p<0.001) and to report declines in HIV care access (43.5% vs. 3.1%, p<0.001) and quality (35.6% vs. 0%, p<0.001). However, transition facilities did not differ in their trends in HIV service volume relative to maintenance facilities. Transition from PEPFAR resulted in facilities reporting worsening patient access and service quality for HIV care, but there is insufficient evidence to suggest negative impacts on volume of HIV services. Facility respondents' perceptions about access and quality may be overly pessimistic, or they may signal forthcoming impacts. Unrelated to transition, declining retention on ART in Uganda is a cause for concern.

Background Effective stakeholder engagement in research and implementation is important for improving the development and implementation of policies and programmes. A varied number of tools have been employed for stakeholder engagement. In this paper, we discuss two participatory methods for engaging with stakeholders – participatory social network analysis (PSNA) and participatory impact pathways analysis (PIPA). Based on our experience, we derive lessons about when and how to apply these tools. Methods This paper was informed by a review of project reports and documents in addition to reflection meetings with the researchers who applied the tools. These reports were synthesised and used to make thick descriptions of the applications of the methods while highlighting key lessons. Results PSNA and PIPA both allowed a deep understanding of how the system actors are interconnected and how they influence maternal health and maternal healthcare services. The findings from the PSNA provided guidance on how stakeholders of a health system are interconnected and how they can stimulate more positive interaction between the stakeholders by exposing existing gaps. The PIPA meeting enabled the participants to envision how they could expand their networks and resources by mentally thinking about the contributions that they could make to the project. The processes that were considered critical for successful application of the tools and achievement of outcomes included training of facilitators, language used during the facilitation, the number of times the tool is applied, length of the tools, pretesting of the tools, and use of quantitative and qualitative methods. Conclusions Whereas both tools allowed the identification of stakeholders and provided a deeper understanding of the type of networks and dynamics within the network, PIPA had a higher potential for promoting collaboration between stakeholders, likely due to allowing interaction between them. Additionally, it was implemented within a participatory action research project. PIPA also allowed participatory evaluation of the project from the perspective of the community. This paper provides lessons about the use of these participatory tools.

ObjectiveTo examine incidence of child marriage among displaced and host populations in humanitarian settings.DesignCross-sectional surveys.SettingData were collected in Djibouti, Yemen, Lebanon and Iraq in the Middle East and in Bangladesh and Nepal in South Asia.ParticipantsAdolescent girls aged 10–19 in the six settings and age cohort comparators.Outcome measuresCumulative incidence of marriage by age 18.ResultsIn Bangladesh and Iraq, the hazard of child marriage did not differ between internally displaced populations (IDPs) and hosts (p value=0.25 and 0.081, respectively). In Yemen, IDPs had a higher hazard of child marriage compared with hosts (p value<0.001). In Djibouti, refugees had a lower hazard of child marriage compared with hosts (p value<0.001). In pooled data, the average hazard of child marriage was significantly higher among displaced compared with host populations (adjusted HR (aHR) 1.3; 95% CI 1.04 to 1.61).In age cohort comparisons, there was no significant difference between child marriage hazard across age cohorts in Bangladesh (p value=0.446), while in Lebanon and Nepal, younger cohorts were less likely to transition to child marriage compared with older comparators (p value<0.001). Only in Yemen were younger cohorts more likely to transition to child marriage, indicating an increase in child marriage rates after conflict (p value=0.034). Pooled data showed a downward trend, where younger age cohorts had, on average, a lower hazard of child marriage compared with older cohorts (aHR 0.36; 95% CI 0.29 to 0.4).ConclusionsWe did not find conclusive evidence that humanitarian crises are associated with universal increases in child marriage rates. Our findings indicate that decision-making about investments in child marriage prevention and response must be attuned to the local context and grounded in data on past and current trends in child marriage among communities impacted by crisis.

Public health decision-making often deals with problems that do not have a single perfect solution; the solutions' effectiveness depends highly on the context in which they are applied, and they often unfold in uncertain, complex environments. The recent COVID-19 pandemic response provides a perfect example of a \"wicked problem.\"1-3 At the height of the pandemic, public health professionals had to make decisions without perfect information or sufficient resources, and that at times were at odds with political priorities. Wicked problems like this one are exactly what our graduate education programs should prepare the future public health workforce for.4-8Locally and globally, we have seen increasing calls for problem solving in health to move away from linear thinking and \"cookie-cutter\" solutions and toward systems thinking and a holistic discourse around identifying and implementing solutions. This approach allows us to better appreciate the richness that arises from the diverse, interrelated, and interdependent components of systems designed to sustain health and well-being.7,9,10 Systems thinking is defined in varied ways; in practice, its key features involve iterative analysis and problemsolving processes to understand the context, history, and actors related to a particular problem and the pathways through which things influence one another in a whole-a system.11 Systems thinking can be as much an art as a science and a skill honed though experience over time. The theories, methods, and approaches for systems thinking arise from many disciplines; although many have been applied to public health, the field remains diverse and there are ongoing calls for advancing the application of systems thinking in public health.11-15 Graduate courses on this topic can help guide those new to the material through this vast territory, and they provide learners with the foundation upon which to apply systems thinking in their future careers.The calls for advancing systems thinking in public health, however, have not been met with similar efforts to ensure that graduate education programs prepare future public health professionals to apply systems thinking. In fact, the evidence is scarce on how systems thinking should be taught as part of public health and on whether current graduate education programs should prepare graduates to apply systems thinking. Given the urgency to ensure that the public health workforce is prepared to respond to wicked problems, what is graduate public health education currently doing and what else is needed to better prepare future generations of public health systems thinkers?

Introduction Donor transition for HIV/AIDS programmes remains sensitive, marking a significant shift away from the traditional investment model of large-scale, vertical investments to control the epidemic and achieve rapid scaling-up of services. In late 2015, the United States President’s Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief (PEPFAR) headquarters instructed their country missions to implement ‘geographic prioritisation’ (GP), whereby PEPFAR investments would target geographic areas with high HIV burden and reduce or cease support in areas with low burden.Methods Using Gaventa’s power cube framework, we compare how power is distributed and manifested using qualitative data collected in an evaluation of the GP’s impact in Kenya and Uganda.Results We found that the GP was designed with little space for national and local actors to shape either the policy or its implementation. While decision-making processes limited the scope for national-level government actors to shape the GP, the national government in Kenya claimed such a space, proactively pressuring PEPFAR to change particular aspects of its GP plan. Subnational level actors were typically recipients of top-down decision-making with apparently limited scope to resist or change GP. While civil society had the potential to hold both PEPFAR and government actors accountable, the closed-door nature of policy-making and the lack of transparency about decisions made this difficult.Conclusion Donor agencies should exercise power responsibly, especially to ensure that transition processes meaningfully engage governments and others with a mandate for service delivery. Furthermore, subnational actors and civil society are often better positioned to understand the implications and changes arising from transition. Greater transparency and accountability would increase the success of global health programme transitions, especially in the context of greater decentralisation, requiring donors and country counterparts to be more aware and flexible of working within political systems that have implications for programmatic success.

As health systems practitioners and researchers increasingly turn towards systems thinking approaches and work on building interorganisational networks, they have demonstrated increasing interest in network analysis for investigating relationships and interactions between system actors, both at the individual and organisational levels. Despite the potential of network-based approaches to improve health system efficiency, effectiveness and responsiveness, both the theoretical and practical guidance on designing and evaluating network-building strategies is underdeveloped within the field. While there are multiple tools and resources to help users collect, manage and analyse network data, there is much less guidance on the practical applications of this information. One apparent gap is the limited application of longitudinal organisational network analysis, in which data are collected from the same organisational actors repeatedly over multiple time points. This yields insights into the dynamic nature of networks, including how the network structure and interactions change over time. Given that networks are rarely static, the addition of the time dimension has the potential to substantially enhance the analytical value of network analysis and contribute to more nuanced guidance for interested practitioners and policymakers. In this article, the authors draw on their experiences in conducting longitudinal network analysis of interorganisational relationships in the USA and India to comment on the opportunities and challenges of the methodology within the field of health systems research. We also provide suggestions as to how some of these challenges may be addressed or mitigated.

Background An increasing number of evaluations of social accountability (SA) interventions have been published in the past decade, however, reporting gaps make it difficult to summarize findings. We developed the Social Accountability Reporting for Research (SAR4Research) checklist to support researchers to improve the documentation of SA processes, context, study designs, and outcomes in the peer reviewed literature and to enhance application of findings. Methods We used a multi-step process, starting with an umbrella review of reviews on SA to identify reporting gaps. Next, we reviewed existing guidelines for reporting on behavioral interventions to determine whether one could be used in its current or adapted form. We received feedback from practitioners and researchers and tested the checklist through three worked examples using outcome papers from three SA projects. Results Our umbrella review of SA studies identified reporting gaps in all areas, including gaps in reporting on the context, intervention components, and study methods. Because no existing guidelines called for details on context and the complex processes in SA interventions, we used CONSORT-SPI as the basis for the SAR4Research checklist, and adapted it using other existing checklists to fill gaps. Feedback from practitioners, researchers and the worked examples suggested the need to eliminate redundancies, add explanations for items, and clarify reporting for quantitative and qualitative study components. Conclusions Results of SA evaluations in the peer-reviewed literature will be more useful, facilitating learning and application of findings, when study designs, interventions and their context are described fully in one or a set of papers. This checklist will help authors report better in peer-reviewed journal articles. With sufficient information, readers will better understand whether the results can inform accountability strategies in their own contexts. As a field, we will be better able to identify emerging findings and gaps in our understanding of SA.