Explore the vast range of titles available.

Gender is emerging as a significant factor in the social, economic, and health effects of COVID-19. However, most existing studies have focused on its direct impact on health. Here, we aimed to explore the indirect effects of COVID-19 on gender disparities globally. We reviewed publicly available datasets with information on indicators related to vaccine hesitancy and uptake, health care services, economic and work-related concerns, education, and safety at home and in the community. We used mixed effects regression, Gaussian process regression, and bootstrapping to synthesise all data sources. We accounted for uncertainty in the underlying data and modelling process. We then used mixed effects logistic regression to explore gender gaps globally and by region. Between March, 2020, and September, 2021, women were more likely to report employment loss (26·0% [95% uncertainty interval 23·8–28·8, by September, 2021) than men (20·4% [18·2–22·9], by September, 2021), as well as forgoing work to care for others (ratio of women to men: 1·8 by March, 2020, and 2·4 by September, 2021). Women and girls were 1·21 times (1·20–1·21) more likely than men and boys to report dropping out of school for reasons other than school closures. Women were also 1·23 (1·22–1·23) times more likely than men to report that gender-based violence had increased during the pandemic. By September 2021, women and men did not differ significantly in vaccine hesitancy or uptake. The most significant gender gaps identified in our study show intensified levels of pre-existing widespread inequalities between women and men during the COVID-19 pandemic. Political and social leaders should prioritise policies that enable and encourage women to participate in the labour force and continue their education, thereby equipping and enabling them with greater ability to overcome the barriers they face. The Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation.

Background Postpartum contraception is a key tool to delay or prevent subsequent pregnancy after birth. Though prior research has demonstrated substantial dynamism in contraceptive use throughout the postpartum period, most measurement of postpartum contraception has focused on aggregate use of any method at a single time point. We sought to more thoroughly examine the continuum of postpartum contraceptive use amongst women in India. Methods We use 2019–21 National Family and Health Survey reproductive calendar data from n = 149,518 women with a birth in the one to five years prior to survey. We present estimates of postpartum contraceptive use by month postpartum, use of specific methods, initiation, duration, stopping, method switching, and subsequent pregnancy. We examine sociodemographic and birth factors associated with postpartum contraceptive use using multivariate logistic regression models. We also examine patterns of postpartum utilization for subpopulations of interest (adolescent mothers age 15–19 and first time mothers) and test whether conclusions are sensitive to a two-year rather than one-year postpartum time period definition. Results We find that 59% of Indian women used a method of contraception within the first year postpartum, that condoms and female sterilization were the most commonly used methods, and that patterns of postpartum contraceptive use differed substantially by month, method, and subpopulation. Among postpartum contraceptive users, 9% switched methods, 19% stopped using contraception entirely, and 5% had another pregnancy within the first year postpartum. A number of sociodemographic and birth factors are associated with postpartum contraceptive utilization, and patterns of use differ meaningfully for adolescent and first-time mothers. Most findings were consistent when using a two-year rather than one-year time frame. Conclusions The dynamic nature of postpartum contraceptive use suggests limited value of static contraceptive uptake targets, whether for program planning or as measures of success, and bolsters the need to center and to improve reproductive agency, empowerment, and access throughout the postpartum period.

In this dissertation, I conduct three studies on women’s economic empowerment in India and Malawi. The first study examines the effect of an Indian maternal cash transfer program on child nutrition. The second study explores variation in women’s control over income by income type and family structure in Malawian households. Also in Malawi, the third study analyzes the effect of rainfall deficits on women’s control over income. In my first chapter, I ask: 1) What are the effects of a universal maternal cash transfer program “Mamata Scheme” in Odisha, India on child nutrition? 2) To what extent do program effects vary by household wealth? I use a triple differences estimation and nationally representative survey data from the National Family Health Survey to test the effect of the Mamata Scheme on standardized height and weight measures for children under five. I find improvements in some, but not all, measures of child nutrition following the implementation of the Mamata Scheme. I find evidence of wealth heterogeneities in the program’s effects. Improvements in child nutrition are concentrated in children from non-poor households. Taken together, the results suggest that maternal cash benefits improve child nutrition, but universal schemes such as Mamata may need to offer additional incentives and/or improve targeting for children from poor households to realize program benefits. In the second chapter, I ask: 1) Does women’s control over household income differ by income type? 2) Is there a relationship between family structure, women’s demographic characteristics, and women’s control over income? I use the Fourth Malawi Integrated Household Survey (IHS-4) to examine women’s control over various sources of household income, including public and private transfers, farm, and non-farm earnings. Using descriptive and multivariate logistic regression analyses, I find that in households with both adult men and women, women have higher odds of having sole control over transfer income, compared to income from farm and non-farm sources. I also find that the presence of a male spouse (versus another adult man) in the household is associated with significantly lower sole female control over transfers. Further, I find that female characteristics, especially age, divorce, and widowhood increase the probability of controlling transfers. The results shed important light on women’s financial decision-making patterns in agricultural households. Specifically, household income received through remittances and transfer programs is associated with higher female decision-making authority, a key insight for policy interventions aimed at increasing women’s control over financial resources. In the third chapter I ask: 1) How do negative rainfall shocks affect women’s control over household income? 2) Do effects vary by income type? Using three rounds of the Malawi Integrated Household Panel Survey (IHPS), I employ a household-year fixed-effects identification to test whether female control over farm, nonfarm, and transfer income changes in response to drought shocks. In dual-adult households, a drought shock increases women’s control over farm income, while there is no change in female control over total household income. I also find that rainfall shocks increase the probability of a household having a farm plot that is solely managed by a woman. The results suggest that drought alters intra-household decision-making, particularly related to the farm. While control over income is typically used as a proxy for women’s economic empowerment, the findings suggest that changes in control over income in response to climatic factors such as rainfall variability may not reflect an absolute improvement in women’s empowerment.