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"Pearson, Margaret"
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China's strategic multilateralism : investing in global governance
\"China's Strategic Multilateralism: China sometimes plays a leadership role in addressing global challenges, but at other times it free-rides or even spoils efforts at cooperation. When will rising powers like China help to build and maintain international regimes that sustain cooperation on important issues, and when will they play less constructive roles? This study argues that the strategic setting of a particular issue area has a strong influence on whether and how a rising power will contribute to global governance. Two strategic variables are especially important: the balance of outside options that the rising power and established powers face, and whether contributions by the rising power are viewed as indispensable to regime success. Case studies of China's approach to security in Central Asia, nuclear proliferation, global financial governance, and climate change illustrate the logic of the theory, which has implications for contemporary issues such as China's growing role in development finance\"-- Provided by publisher.
Book
Exploring the Parameters of China’s Economic Influence
To what extent do China’s linkages to the global economy translate into political influence in other countries? This topic is the focus of copious amounts of policy and scholarly attention in the USA and around the world. Yet without thoughtful conceptualization of key assumptions and creation of research designs that allow identification of mechanisms of potential influence, we cannot gain an accurate understanding of Chinese influence. How can we assess Beijing’s intentions? Through what mechanisms—both intended and unintended—might influence arise, and under what conditions is influence most likely to occur? To what degree are Chinese companies agents of the state and therefore tools of economic statecraft? What factors condition how host countries react to economic ties with China? In this article, we explore existing scholarship on these questions, and assess promising directions for future research.
Journal Article
The Role of Political Networks in Anti-Corruption Investigations
Scholars have debated the degree to which China's anti-corruption campaign is an instrument to conduct a political purge against political rivals. With a newly constructed dataset based on public information, we conduct a multilevel analysis on the publicized time probed individuals spend between the announcement of investigation and being sentenced (length of investigation). We find that higher ranking individuals as well as those who will receive harsher punishments are likely to experience shorter investigations, controlling for the amount of money involved. We also find limited evidence that political network membership is associated with the length of investigation. Being associated with Zhou Yongkang, a known political rival of President Xi Jinping, does not make the investigation significantly different given similar amounts of money involved in the corruption case. Association with other prominent party members (e.g., Ling Jihua, Liu Zhijun, etc.), however, increases the length of investigation. We explore possible interpretations for the variation in investigation times among different networks.
Journal Article
Killing a Chicken to Scare the Monkeys? Deterrence Failure and Local Defiance In China
Why do local officials in China often fail to comply with directives of the central leadership in Beijing? Existing scholarship suggests that local defiance results from reform-era decentralization, or from the difficulty of managing agents in a complicated policy environment. In contrast, we conceptualize threats by Beijing to punish local officials as deterrence signals, and analyze local officials’ reactions to these signals as a dynamic process in which they consider the selectiveness, severity and retractability of sanctions, and the reputation of the center, when deciding to defy. Examining the case of Beijing’s application of the seemingly powerful “hold-to-account” practice to curtail investment in iron and steel in 2004, its punishment of local officials in the “Tieben Incident”, and the continued defiance of other local officials, we analyze the dynamics of central–local relations that lead to the failure of the center’s deterrence efforts.
Journal Article
Taiwan and the “One-China Principle” in the Age of COVID-19: Assessing the Determinants and Limits of Chinese Influence
During the current global COVID-19 crisis Taiwan has portrayed itself as both an example for other countries to follow and as a country willing to assist others in their own efforts with the virus. Taiwan has also renewed efforts to participate in the World Health Organization (WHO), an organisation from which it is currently excluded. Although some countries have supported Taiwan's efforts to participate in the WHO or have praised its COVID-19 response, others have been silent or even critical, sometimes citing commitments to a “one China policy.” In this paper, we use newly collected data to explore cross-national variation in support for Taiwan during the current pandemic. We find that a country's level of economic development and security ties with the US are strongly correlated with support for Taiwan while a country's economic ties to China is a less consistent predictor.
Journal Article
Static Electricity: Institutional and Ideational Barriers to China’s Market Reforms
China’s “economic juggernaut” is often noted to have arisen from successful market reforms carried out in the context of high state capacity. In contrast, we demonstrate that crucial reforms to replace central planning with markets have stalled as a result of major barriers of two types: institutional and ideational. Focusing on the electricity sector, we find that market reforms pushed by China’s central government are hindered by deep inefficiencies that arise from the legacy plan and “plan-derived” institutions of subnational governments and grid companies, against which the central state has been largely ineffective. We also uncover fascinating ideational differences of the nature and purpose of “markets” that show how they often are envisioned more as a way to extend the planner’s “toolbox,” or to offer “salvation” for ailing incumbent firms, rather than to induce efficiency. Our empirical focus on three prominent types of “market-oriented” experiments in the electric power sector demonstrate clear limits to state capacity, limits that emanate from state actors rather than merely industry, despite high-priority central government goals of increasing efficiency, integrating renewable energy, and reducing emissions from the electricity sector.
Journal Article
Do China’s Foreign Economic Ties Lead to Influence Abroad? New Evidence from Recent Events
Abstract
Do China’s growing foreign economic ties translate into political influence abroad? We identify issues about which China cares deeply, and assess whether increased economic ties correlate with greater expressed support for Chinese activities on these issues. We collect new data to measure how countries have responded to China’s implementation of a National Security Law for Hong Kong, and recent policies in Xinjiang. We find that countries with closer economic linkages to China were less likely to criticize—and in some cases more likely to support—China’s actions in Hong Kong and Xinjiang, but the strength and significance of this effect vary considerably depending on the context and type of economic ties. Interestingly, the effects of China’s foreign economic ties are substantively smaller than levels of democracy and development. The findings call into question simple assumptions about the translation of economic ties into political influence, and suggest directions for future study.
Journal Article
The Business of Governing Business in China: Institutions and Norms of the Emerging Regulatory State
China began to establish markets a quarter century ago, but only in the last decade has its government made a concerted effort to design new institutions to govern them. Hence, a “regulatory state” is emerging. The prevailing literature focuses on a seeming convergence of Chinas institutions with the dominant global model of the “independent regulator,” including the establishment of new regulatory commissions. Yet research on China's strategic industries—those in the infrastructure and financial services sectors—suggests that assumptions of convergence obscure key elements of a regulatory design characterized by continued state ownership (as opposed to privatization), maximization of the value of these assets, and active government structuring of these industries. Moreover, regulators in the existing party-state bureaucracy have relatively weak authority. This research cautions us to rethink dominant models of Chinese political economy so that we retain a place for the central state in directing market reform at the “commanding heights” of the economy.
Journal Article
Governing the Chinese Economy: Regulatory Reform in the Service of the State
Pursuant to its extensive program of market reforms, China's government tried to restructure itself to support a market-dominated economy. Reform efforts have included elements that are familiar to scholars of public administration: streamlining government, strengthening bureaucratic capacity, distancing government from firms, and establishing independent regulators. But how deep have these reforms been, and with what ultimate goals? This article examines a crucial segment of the economy-China's so-called lifeline industries-to show how reforms to China's economic governance system have been mapped onto an existing system characterized by extreme institutional fragmentation and an inability to imbue new governmental bodies with authority. Moreover, for these key industrial sectors, the Chinese party-state's strong interests in ownership, revenues, and social policy dictate that it use a variety of tools to protect these interests.
Journal Article