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result(s) for
"Peetz, David"
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The labour share, power and financialisation
2018
One of the features of developed economies over the past three decades has been the decline in the labour share of national income (Ellis and Smith 2007, Cahill 2014, Autor, Dorn, Katz, Patterson, and Reenen 2017). While it is not universal, it is evident in most countries, especially the Anglophone ones. In Australia and several other countries it is part of a trifecta of contemporary, related trends. The other two are recent low nominal and real growth in wages (Australian Bureau of Statistics 6345.0, Lysy 2015) and increasing inequality in earnings, income and wealth (Atkinson and Leigh 2007, 2010, Alvaredo et al. 2013).
Journal Article
The Realities and Futures of Work
2019
What do we know about the current realities of work and its likely futures? What choices must we make and how will they affect those futures? Many books about the future of work start by talking about the latest technology, and focus on how technology is going to change the way we work. And there is no doubt that technology will have huge impacts. However, to really understand the direction in which work is going, and the impact that technology and other forces will have, we need to first understand where we are. This book covers topics ranging from the ‘mega-drivers of change’ at work, power, globalisation and financialisation, to management, workers, digitalisation, the gig economy, gender, climate change, regulation and deregulation. In doing this, it refers to some of the great works of science fiction. It demolishes several myths, such as that the employment relationship is doomed, that we are all heading to becoming ‘freelancers’ or ‘gig workers’ one day, that most jobs will be destroyed by technological change, that the growth in jobs will mainly be in STEM fields, that we will no longer value collectivism as we will all be ‘individuals’, or that the death of unionism is inevitable. The Realities and Futures of Work also rejects the idea of technological determinism—that whatever will be, will be, thanks to technological change—and so it refuses to accept that we simply need to prepare to adapt ourselves to the future by judicious training since there is nothing else we can do about it. Instead, this book provides a realistic basis for thinking about both the present and the future. It emphasises the choices we make, and the implications of those choices for the future of work.
Labour policies
2024
There was little public focus on potential industrial relations reform during the lead-up to the 2022 Federal election. The ALP advanced relatively incremental commitments on labour policy matters, including promises to act on gender inequity and job insecurity, introduce minimum standards for 'employee-like' workers such as gig workers, and ensure same pay for labour hire workers (Australian Labor Party 2022). These commitments were less specific and less far-reaching than the ambitious industrial relations platform the ALP took to the 2019 election - which the party entered well ahead in the polls, but then lost. Many party strategists concluded from that experience that the ALP should adopt a 'small target' approach in future elections; and this thinking was evident in the party's modest industrial relations platform (and on other key issues, such as tax policy).
Journal Article
How economic paradigms shape income growth for the rich and the rest in liberal market economies
2021
'We must', said British politician Margaret Thatcher, in a press conference during her victorious 1979 election campaign, 'increase the slice of the cake before we can decide how that extra shall be sliced up' (Thatcher 1979a). Two months later, she said 'in Britain, we spent too much time dividing up the cake' (Thatcher 1979b). This 'cake' (or sometimes 'pie') has been commonly used as a metaphor by the advocates of neoliberalism (or at least 'free markets') to argue that neoliberal policies have promoted economic growth and made everyone better off. The implication is that giving the rich a bigger slice of the cake is not a problem if the cake is bigger anyway.
Journal Article
How economic paradigms shape income growth for the rich and the rest in liberal market economies
2021
'We must', said British politician Margaret Thatcher, in a press conference during her victorious 1979 election campaign, 'increase the slice of the cake before we can decide how that extra shall be sliced up'. Two months later, she said 'in Britain, we spent too much time dividing up the cake'. This 'cake' (or sometimes 'pie') has been commonly used as a metaphor by the advocates of neoliberalism (or at least 'free markets') to argue that neoliberal policies have promoted economic growth and made everyone better off. The implication is that giving the rich a bigger slice of the cake is not a problem if the cake is bigger anyway.
Journal Article
Can and how should the gig worker loophole be closed?
2023
This article considers, summarises, and analyses the merits of various arguments regarding options for regulating (or not regulating) ‘gig work’, concluding with observations about currently proposed legislation. There is a strong argument for regulating gig work. Many workers are vulnerable, and many of the arguments against any form or regulation – in terms of innovation, productivity, employment, or the inevitability of this trend – lack merit. Current definitions of employment, indeed current labour law, are not adequate and many, but not all, gig workers are like employees in terms of the control exercised over them. However, treating gig workers as employees would encounter several problems. The outcomes would be uncertain. Not all would be covered. Many gig workers would be opposed (despite wanting protection). The gig firms could render such legislation ineffective, or alternatively succeed in mobilising opposition, almost ensuring such legislation would be revoked at the next change of government. Regulating gig work as a form of contracting is a viable alternative. It has the potential to attract support from gig workers themselves, undermining opposition by the gig firms, and attract support from some parts of capital. The New South Wales experience shows us that regulation of gig work as contracting is feasible and politically sustainable. Despite limitations, the ‘Closing the Loopholes’ Bill provides a sustainable model for regulating and protecting many ‘gig economy’ workers. It is time to envisage labour law as something that extends not just to employees but to many contractors as well.
Journal Article
The shock doctrine and industrial relations
2020
Crises require swift policy responses, but can provide an opportunity for political leaders to introduce reforms that might otherwise prove unpopular (Colley and Head 2014). They provide an opportunity to advance neoliberal economic policies that could not be progressed through democratic means but where a sweeping crisis provides a pretext to override the expressed wishes of voters (Friedman 1962, cited in Klein 2007). Policy shifts are also possible in democratic contexts, where there is widespread acceptance of a policy problem and a government can provide a compelling alternative (Kingdon 2003; Sabatier 2007). In her book Shock Doctrine, Naomi Klein (2007) provides numerous examples, such as Hurricane Katrina in New Orleans, where states' crisis response and recovery plans advanced capitalism and corporate goals at a time when victims were unable to regroup and resist.
Journal Article
Risk Cycles, Capitalism and the Future of Work/Cycles de risque, capitalisme et avenir du travail
2023
This paper interprets extensive empirical data on the growth and then stagnation of \"modes of flexibility\" by using labour process theory, specifically with respect to control and resistance. In a \"risk cycle,\" management initially seizes an opportunity to reduce costs by transferring risk from capital to labour through some mode of flexibility. The chosen mode is used more and more until further expansion is blocked by the need to overcome resistance, to obtain consent and/or to exercise control. Management then seeks a new mode. The risk cycle is consistent with OECD data on \"temporary employment,\" and Australian data on \"casual employment.\" Implications for the gig economy and the future of work are discussed.
Journal Article
The shock doctrine and industrial relations
by
David Peetz
,
Linda Colley
,
Rachel Nolan
in
201920 coronavirus outbreak (event)
,
Disaster relief
,
Economic aspects
2020
Crises require swift policy responses, but can provide an opportunity for political leaders to introduce reforms that might otherwise prove unpopular (Colley and Head 2014). They provide an opportunity to advance neoliberal economic policies that could not be progressed through democratic means but where a sweeping crisis provides a pretext to override the expressed wishes of voters (Friedman 1962, cited in Klein 2007). Policy shifts are also possible in democratic contexts, where there is widespread acceptance of a policy problem and a government can provide a compelling alternative (Kingdon 2003; Sabatier 2007). In her book Shock Doctrine, Naomi Klein (2007) provides numerous examples, such as Hurricane Katrina in New Orleans, where states' crisis response and recovery plans advanced capitalism and corporate goals at a time when victims were unable to regroup and resist.
Journal Article