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When do public services privatize, and when do they remain in the public's hands? The authors argue that one explanation lies in a counterintuitive coalition: labor and management. Unlike industrial relations in the private sector, those in the public sector are not necessarily antagonistic. When the interests of public sector workers and managers—the latter defined as those with supervisory responsibilities—are aligned, public services are less likely to privatize. Conversely, when the interests of workers and managers are not aligned, privatization is more likely. To test and substantiate this theory, the authors deploy a most-similar systems comparison of three case studies, focusing on efforts to privatize public passenger rail in the United States, United Kingdom, and New Zealand at the onset of the privatization era in the 1980s and 1990s. This article hence contributes to the study of state privatization, cross-class coalitions, and public sector reform in affluent economies.

The rapid rise of Artificial Intelligence (AI) has prompted policymakers and political scientists alike to evaluate the (mis)uses of this technology for business and politics. On the one hand, political scientists are concerned that granting the state control over AI could render it an ultra-powerful agent for surveillance. On the other, granting the market control over AI might allow particular firms to displace states as sites of authority. A large body of work on “AI Governance” has hence burgeoned. What remains under analyzed are the political determinants under which states or markets may accumulate said power and what regulatory regimes might subsequently result. This article argues for introducing a macro-political economy approach to explain the perils of AI and to then craft equitable solutions. The construction of AI regulatory frameworks must be guided by how workers and firm preferences aggregate, as well as under what institutional constraints. We begin by giving an overview of existing literature. We then turn to the framework of comparative political economy to identify macro-level variations in AI development and regulation across countries. Finally, we emphasize how, unlike previous technologies of automation, AI impacts higher-income, non-routine workers and how this politics shapes contemporary discussions about AI governance.

The logic of French mental health policy—which already stands out against that of other countries—also appears at odds with the usual logic of French social policy. “La sectorisation psychiatrique” rejected the liberalism prominent in the rest of the health system, adopted Beveridgean principles decades in advance of other policy areas, and began to centralize precisely during the period of déconcentration. This article explains these puzzles by pointing to the role of public sector trade unions. Archival sources document how the historical advocacy of unions representing public psychiatric workers shaped public policy in mental health. Examining their political activity can revise standard interpretations of the French welfare state and illuminate a generalizable theoretical relationship for comparative analysis.

The first sentence of the fourth paragraph under section “Contre la médecine libérale” was published incorrectly.

Too often, gun rights advocates point to the flaws of the mental health system as the cause of mass gun violence. Consider President Trump's response to the February 14 massacre at Marjory Stoneman Douglas High School. He said that psychiatric hospitals should be reopened to prevent more carnage. You know in the old days we had mental institutions, had a lot of them, and you could nab somebody like this.\"2 Trump was referring to the closure of psychiatric hospitals during deinstitutionalization-the result of ideological, economic, and political factors-which began in the 1960s, peaked in the 1970s and 1980s, and continues today.Is deinstitutionalization to blame for the regularity of mass shootings in America? Deinstitutionalization occurred not only here but also across other highincome democracies. Major international organizations, such as the World Health Organization, have supported the reduction of hospital psychiatry.3 Comparing cross-national data of mass shootings-typically defined as four or more fatalities-with the decline of inpatient psychiatric capacity offers little evidence to support this association.

Drawing on an analysis of the French mental health system, this essay examines four presumptions about mental health care dominant in the United States: (1) the required abolition of the hospital for psychiatric deinstitutionalization; (2) the substitutability of public and private financing; (3) the importance of a \"dangerousness\" criterion for involuntary commitment procedures; and (4) the need for an ever-expanding scope of care. These claims hold little weight when subjected to comparative scrutiny, and the essay closes by discussing the implications of these revelations for US mental health care policy and ethics.

In 2017, the American Political Science Association (APSA) Committee on the Status of Graduate Students in the Profession launched an initiative to lower the cost of Division (i.e., organized section) membership for students to promote graduate students’ professional development and to advance Division interests. This article assesses the effect of this intervention on Division membership. Using APSA membership data, we find that almost two thirds of Divisions that charged fees in 2017 reduced or eliminated student fees between 2017 and 2019, nearly halving the average student dues (i.e., from $11.57 in 2017 to $5.84 in 2019). As a result, average student membership increased by more than 300% in Divisions that reduced fees (i.e., from 79.5 in 2017 to 248.7 in 2019), compared to a marginal 30% increase in those that did not reduce fees. These outcomes of the initiative support additional efforts to reduce the costs of APSA participation for graduate students.

Objective To test the hypothesis that a relative deficiency in L-arginine, the substrate for synthesis of the vasodilatory gas nitric oxide, may be associated with the development of pre-eclampsia in a population at high risk. Design Randomised, blinded, placebo controlled clinical trial. Setting Tertiary public hospital in Mexico City.Participants Pregnant women with a history of a previous pregnancy complicated by pre-eclampsia, or pre-eclampsia in a first degree relative, and deemed to be at increased risk of recurrence of the disease were studied from week 14-32 of gestation and followed until delivery.Interventions Supplementation with a medical food—bars containing L-arginine plus antioxidant vitamins, antioxidant vitamins alone, or placebo—during pregnancy. Main outcome measure Development of pre-eclampsia/eclampsia. Results 222 women were allocated to the placebo group, 228 received L-arginine plus antioxidant vitamins, and 222 received antioxidant vitamins alone. Women had 4-8 prenatal visits while receiving the bars. The incidence of pre-eclampsia was reduced significantly (χ2=19.41; P<0.001) in women randomised to L-arginine plus antioxidant vitamins compared with placebo (absolute risk reduction 0.17 (95% confidence interval 0.12 to 0.21). Antioxidant vitamins alone showed an observed benefit, but this effect was not statistically significant compared with placebo (χ2=3.76; P=0.052; absolute risk reduction 0.07, 0.005 to 0.15). L-arginine plus antioxidant vitamins compared with antioxidant vitamins alone resulted in a significant effect (P=0.004; absolute risk reduction 0.09, 0.05 to 0.14).Conclusions Supplementation during pregnancy with a medical food containing L-arginine and antioxidant vitamins reduced the incidence of pre-eclampsia in a population at high risk of the condition. Antioxidant vitamins alone did not have a protective effect for prevention of pre-eclampsia. Supplementation with L-arginine plus antioxidant vitamins needs to be evaluated in a low risk population to determine the generalisability of the protective effect, and the relative contributions of L-arginine and antioxidant vitamins to the observed effects of the combined treatment need to be determined.Trial registration Clinical trials NCT00469846.

Summary Infectious diseases, also known as transmissible or communicable diseases, are caused by pathogens or parasites that spread in communities by direct contact with infected individuals or contaminated materials, through droplets and aerosols, or via vectors such as insects. Such diseases cause ˜17% of all human deaths and their management and control places an immense burden on healthcare systems worldwide. Traditional approaches for the prevention and control of infectious diseases include vaccination programmes, hygiene measures and drugs that suppress the pathogen, treat the disease symptoms or attenuate aggressive reactions of the host immune system. The provision of vaccines and biologic drugs such as antibodies is hampered by the high cost and limited scalability of traditional manufacturing platforms based on microbial and animal cells, particularly in developing countries where infectious diseases are prevalent and poorly controlled. Molecular farming, which uses plants for protein expression, is a promising strategy to address the drawbacks of current manufacturing platforms. In this review article, we consider the potential of molecular farming to address healthcare demands for the most prevalent and important epidemic and pandemic diseases, focussing on recent outbreaks of high‐mortality coronavirus infections and diseases that disproportionately affect the developing world.