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Políticaoffers a stunning revisionist understanding of the early political incorporation of Mexican-origin peoples into the U.S. body politic in the nineteenth century. Historical sociologist Phillip B. Gonzales reexamines the fundamental issue in New Mexico's history, namely, the dramatic shift in national identities initiated by Nuevomexicanos when their province became ruled by the United States.Gonzales provides an insightful, rigorous, and controversial interpretation of how Nuevomexicano political competition was woven into the Democratic and Republican two-party system that emerged in the United States between the 1850s and 1912, when New Mexico became a state. Drawing on newly discovered archival and primary sources, he explores how Nuevomexicanos relied on a long tradition of political engagement and a preexisting republican disposition and practice to elaborate a dual-party political system mirroring the contours of U.S. national politics.Políticais a tour de force of political history in the nineteenth-century U.S.-Mexico borderlands that reinterprets colonization, reconstructs Euro-American and Nuevomexicano relations, and recasts the prevailing historical narrative of territorial expansion and incorporation in North American imperial history. Gonzales provides critical insights into several discrete historical processes, such as U.S. racialization and citizenship, integration and marginalization, accommodation and resistance, internal colonialism, and the long struggle for political inclusion in the borderlands, shedding light on debates taking place today over Latinos and U.S. citizenship.

For Latinx people living in the United States, Trumpism represented a new phase in the long-standing struggle to achieve a sense of belonging and full citizenship. Throughout their history in the United States, people of Mexican descent have been made to face the question of how they do or do not belong to the American social fabric and polity. Structural inequality, dispossession, and marginalized citizenship are a foundational story for Mexican Americans, one that entered a new phase under Trumpism. This volume situates this new phase in relation to what went before, and it asks what new political possibilities emerged from this dramatic chapter in our history. What role did anti-Mexicanism and attacks on Latinx people and their communities play in Trump's political rise and presidential practices? Driven by the overwhelming political urgency of the moment, the contributors to this volume seek to frame Trumpism's origins and political effects. Published in Association with School for Advanced Research Press.

Política offers a stunning revisionist understanding of the early political incorporation of Mexican-origin peoples into the U.S. body politic in the nineteenth century. Historical sociologist Phillip B. Gonzales reexamines the fundamental issue in New Mexico's history, namely, the dramatic shift in national identities initiated by Nuevomexicanos when their province became ruled by the United States. Gonzales provides an insightful, rigorous, and controversial interpretation of how Nuevomexicano political competition was woven into the Democratic and Republican two-party system that emerged in the United States between the 1850s and 1912, when New Mexico became a state. Drawing on newly discovered archival and primary sources, he explores how Nuevomexicanos relied on a long tradition of political engagement and a preexisting republican disposition and practice to elaborate a dual-party political system mirroring the contours of U.S. national politics.Política is a tour de force of political history in the nineteenth-century U.S.-Mexico borderlands that reinterprets colonization, reconstructs Euro-American and Nuevomexicano relations, and recasts the prevailing historical narrative of territorial expansion and incorporation in North American imperial history. Gonzales provides critical insights into several discrete historical processes, such as U.S. racialization and citizenship, integration and marginalization, accommodation and resistance, internal colonialism, and the long struggle for political inclusion in the borderlands, shedding light on debates taking place today over Latinos and U.S. citizenship.

Since 1848, when New Mexico became part of the US, generations of land-grant heirs have found themselves in uphill struggles for cultural survival. The heirs have long seethed over what they allege has been the denial of their birthright to the land and the subsequent decimation of their traditional culture.

At the end of the Mexican-American War in 1848, the United States annexed what had been the Mexican Department of New Mexico, and as it did, it absorbed millions of acres of agro-pastoral land whose parcels had been under a communal system of ownership by Mexican citizen-villagers. From the heirs' point of view, the subsequent American system of adjudicating ownership of these traditional properties proved inadequate, leading to the loss of two-thirds of their commons to American land speculators and the U. S. National Forest. Like the Native Americans, the heirs of these grants have long seethed in resentment over the steady erosion of their hold on their traditional lands and culture. This article outlines the processes of despoliation of the land grants from their original owners, and, more centrally, suggests the historical cycles of collective struggle that the heirs have mounted since the 1840s in order to retain and wrest back their commons, as well as organize the grants that they have been able to secure. A stubborn land-grant movement has gone through various forms of collective action including clandestine violence, protest confrontation, legal strategies, and political lobbying. In the most recent phase, activists have hopeful signs that the U.S. Congress is ready to respond to their demand for return of commons now under federal jurisdiction.

La junta de indignación (mass meeting of indignation) was a type of social protest that a whole generation of Hispanos crafted during New Mexico's era of economic and political modernization. Organized as a spontaneous event, la junta de indignación enabled Nuevomexicanos to publicly voice their objection to Anglo prejudice and provided key forums for developing a protest-oriented \"Hispano\" identity.

The fractious 1860 Democratic National Convention in Charleston, South Carolina, adjourned without a slate of candidates. It reassembled in Baltimore, where Stephen Douglas battled opponents and won the presidential nomination. Southern Democrats pulled out as a result and reconvened in Richmond, Virginia, where they proceeded to nominate the pro-slavery incumbent vice president, Kentuckian John Breckinridge, for president.¹ The nomination of Abraham Lincoln by the Republicans implied a real threat of its own to slavery. The editor of theSanta Fe Weekly Gazette, the Virginia newcomer John T. Russell, swooned into the doughface camp that James Collins, Miguel Antonio Otero, and

Republican strength hung prominently over New Mexico after the 1869 election. José Francisco Chávez was elected by a Republican Party“per se,”went the boast. A proven Republican held the governor’s office. William A. Pile was a former Union major general in the Civil War, recruiter of blacks for the Union Army, and former Radical in the Missouri House of Representatives.¹ A Republican majority prevailed in the territorial legislature. Its members appreciated Pile’s first message to the assembly. Harmony produced important legislation in the session of 1869–70, a property tax law in particular. The Grand Army of the Republic