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This article examines two cases of ongoing persecution in Southeast Asia and the problems of naming either genocide. Specifically, I discuss the politics of naming the decades’ long persecution of the Rohingya in Burma and West Papuans genocide. Both cases highlight some critical points of contention within the field of genocide studies which revolve around competing conceptions of how and what genocides destroy. Often separated into liberal and post-liberal camps, or those which conceive of genocide as a crime or as a process, these competing views create deep divisions over what cases of mass violence can be named genocide, or not. I take up some of these highly politicized and moralistic debates around the naming of genocide in light of these two contemporary Southeast Asian cases; that of the Rohingya which arguably has been recognised as a case of genocide since the latest wave of violence in 2017; and the case of West Papua, which remains very much at the fringes of genocide studies. I also draw on the work of a range of scholars who question the “effectivity” of naming genocide. I argue that, in these two contemporary Southeast Asian cases, naming (Rohingya) and not-naming (West Papua) cases of ongoing persecution genocide has had little effect whatsoever.

In 1965 Indonesia's government was overthrown by its military. In the months that followed the military, together with numerous civilian militia groups, eradicated the Left from Indonesia. Through massacres, mass executions, mass arrests and many other forms of grievous human rights abuses, the military and their civilian counterparts effectively wiped out both Leftist ideology and those who supported it. The main victims of these killings and mass arrests were members, or alleged sympathisers, of the mass-supported Partai Komunis Indonesia (PKI, Indonesian Communist Party) and its associated organisations. An estimated 500,000 people were killed during the anti- Communist purges between 1965 and 1968, and more than one million others were rounded up and held in political detention, where many were subjected to torture, starvation and forced labour over many years.

In 1997, at the very end of both Indonesia's occupation of East Timor (1975-99) and President Suharto's \"New Order\" military regime in Indonesia (1966-98), a collection of some 260 photographs taken by Indonesian soldiers of their East Timorese torture victims was uncovered and circulated internationally. Of these photographs, approximately seventy depicted acts of sexualized violence against women and girls. In this article, we situate these photographs and the forms of violence depicted within a larger etiology of sexual and gender-based violence during other periods of mass violence under the New Order regime. In particular, we highlight the similarities of gendered violence perpetrated against women and girls in East Timor during the Indonesian occupation of that territory, in Aceh during the DOM period (\"military operations\" period, 1989-98), and against suspected Communists in the mid-tolate 1960s. We focus on the gendered violence perpetrated against those deemed to be \"internal enemies\" of the Indonesian state. We argue that the highly gendered forms of violence used to harm, humiliate, and destroy these women both identi>ied the victims as \"internal enemies\" and justi>ied the violence being perpetrated against them.

The twentieth century has been labelled the 'century of genocide', and according to estimates, more than 250 million civilians were victims of genocide and mass atrocities during this period. This book provides one of the first regional perspectives on mass atrocities in Asia, by exploring the issue through two central themes. Bringing together experts in genocide studies and area specialists, the book looks at the legacy of past genocides and mass atrocities, with case studies on East Timor, Cambodia and Indonesia. It explores the enduring legacies of trauma and societal divisions, the complex and continuing impacts of past mass violence, and the role of transitional justice in the aftermath of mass atrocities in Asia. Understanding these complex legacies is crucial for the region to build a future that acknowledges the past. The book goes on to consider the prospects and challenges for preventing future mass atrocities in Asia, and globally. It discusses both regional and global factors that may impact on preventing future mass atrocities in Asia, and highlights the value of a regional perspective in mass atrocity prevention. Providing a detailed examination of genocide and mass atrocities through the themes of legacies and prevention, the book is an important contribution to Asian Studies and Security Studies.

Discriminatory and marginalising discourses affect the cultural and social realities of people in all human societies. Across time and place, these discourses manifest in numerous tangible and intangible ways, creating stigma and forms of exclusion by means particular to their cultural, historical, political and social contexts. These discourses also manifest in varying degrees of harm; from verbal abuse and behavioural forms of exclusion, to physical abuse and neglect, and exclusionary practices at institutional, legal and regulatory levels. Such forms of stigma cause direct physical and mental harm and other forms of persecution.