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This article aims to provide a framework for conceptualizing the China-US rivalry. It argues that while the China-US rivalry is distorted to be an analogy to the Cold War, it must be understood as an intra-core competition between two different capitalisms. Theoretically the paper is inspired by the world system theory’s perspective on “cycles of hegemony” and the Kautsky-Lenin debate on inter-capitalism relationships. The causal nexus of the two theories explains that the China-US rivalry is in a new phase of the cycles of capital accumulation, and China’s changing competitive dynamics led by its state capitalism model have generated disadvantageous effect on the US hegemony. The paper’s conclusion is that China-US competition will shape the trajectory of world order for decades to come.

This article analyses recent productions of Latin American thinking on international affairs. The reviewed cases and examples are interrelated, for they are explanatory and interpretative abstractions of processes and practices in the international field, characterized by a description of formulations, concepts and methodological contributions. The common feature of these dimensions is the will of their formulators to explain their national and regional political realities from their own perspectives. Recent contributions offer potential for generalizations from national cases. They account for new realities that may impact on the international and regional system of international affairs. Keywords: Latin American thinking; International relations; Latin American theories of International Relations.

El artículo analiza dos procesos internacionales en curso, la rivalidad sino-estadounidense y la pandemia de Covid-19. La coincidencia de ambos ha profundizado el deterioro del multilateralismo. Para América Latina, la confluencia de estas situaciones aumenta su vulnerabilidad, exponiéndola a un escenario internacional de creciente incertidumbre, evidenciando sus escasos márgenes de maniobra. El texto aporta elementos de análisis para la comprensión de estas dinámicas globales, a partir de una reflexión teórica sobre el conflicto entre potencias y sus consecuencias para su política exterior y el futuro del multilateralismo. Así también se aborda el impacto de la Covid-19 y las tensiones en el orden internacional liberal, desde las perspectivas teóricas de la cooperación: la interdependencia compleja y el institucionalismo liberal, para entender cómo la discordia se impone a la colaboración. Todas estas tendencias afectan negativamente una América Latina que descarta la acción colectiva, tanto en sus relaciones con Estados Unidos como con China. The article analyzes two ongoing international processes, the rivalry between China and the United States and the Covid-19 pandemic. The concurrence of the two has led to further deterioration of multilateralism. For Latin America, the confluence of these situations increase its vulnerability, exposing it to an international scenario of growing uncertainty, demonstrating its limited margin for maneuver. The text presents an analysis to help understand these global dynamics, based on a theoretical reflection about the conflict between powers and its consequences for foreign policy and the future of multilateralism. It also addresses the impact of Covid-19 and of tensions in the liberal international order, from the theoretical perspectives of cooperation: complex interdependence and liberal institutionalism, in order to understand how discord wins over collaboration. All these trends have a negative impact on a Latin America that rejects collective action, in its relations with both the United States and China. L’article analyse deux processus internationaux en cours, la rivalité sino-américaine et la pandémie du Covid-19. Leur coïncidence a approfondi l’érosion du multilatéralisme. Pour l’Amérique latine, la confluence de ces deux états de fait accroît sa vulnérabilité car elle l’expose à un contexte international affecté par une incertitude croissante, en mettant en évidence ses marges de manoeuvre serrées. Le texte apporte des éléments d’analyse pour la compréhension de ces dynamiques mondiales, à partir d’une réflexion théorique sur le conflit entre les puissances et ses conséquences pour leur politique extérieure et l’avenir du multi-latéralisme. Les effets de la Covid-19 sont également abordés, ainsi que les tensions de l’ordre international libéral, á partir des perspectives théoriques de la coopération: l’inter-dépendance complexe et l’institutionnalisme libéral, afin de comprendre comment la discorde s’impose par-dessus la collaboration. Toutes ces tendences ont un effet négatif sur une Amérique latine qui rejette l’action collective, dans ses relations aussi bien avec les États-Unis qu’avec la Chine.

The Autonomy Doctrine, elaborated by Juan Carlos Puig, is a realist point of view of International Relations. It is an analysis, from the periphery, about the structure of world power, and a roadmap (from a theoretical point of view) for the longing process of autonomization-regarding hegemonic power-for a country whose ruling class would decide to overcome dependency. The elements its author took into account when analyzing its own context are explained in this text and, afterwards, are reflected over its relevance nowadays. For that purpose, it is necessary to answer certain questions, such as which are the concepts and categories that may explain its relevance, its applicability to regional integration and cooperation models and projects, and what would be the analytical method to compare reality versus ideas, among others. The methodological proposal to analyze the relevance of Puig's doctrine is to compare it to different visions of regionalism that are currently in effect in Latin America. A Doutrina da Autonomia, elaborado por Juan Carlos Puig, é um ponto de vista realista de Relações Internacionais. É uma análise, a partir da periferia, sobre a estrutura de poder mundial, e um roteiro (do ponto de vista teórico) para o processo de desejo de autonomização - relativo ao poder hegemônico - para um país cuja classe dominante iria decidir superar a dependência. Os elementos que seu autor levou em conta ao analisar seu próprio contexto são explicados neste texto e, posteriormente, reflete-se sobre a sua relevância nos dias de hoje. Para tal, é necessário responder a algumas questões, como quais são os conceitos e categorias que podem explicar a sua relevância, a sua aplicabilidade para a integração regional e os modelos e projetos de cooperação, e o que seria o método analítico para comparar realidade versus ideias, entre outros. A proposta metodológica para analisar a relevância da doutrina Puig é compará-la com as diferentes visões de regionalismo que estão agora em vigor na América Latina.

The article analyzes the use, by Chinese academics, of Latin American ideas on international relations, some to do with political economy and others with foreign policy. It shows how such ideas have become known in China and used to interpret relations with Latin America and discuss China’s own foreign policy. It makes two points: 1) that the use of this theoretical thought shows the Chinese search for alternative theoretical approaches and its use seeks to counter the thesis of the Chinese threat and the theory of neocolonialism and 2) that theories originating in Latin American form part of China’s internal debate on its own foreign policy. The article is based on studies by Chinese authors, published in Spanish or English, and others originally written in Chinese, which have been especially translated for the author. El artículo analiza la utilización de ideas y teorías originadas en el pensamiento latinoamericano sobre relaciones internacionales por parte de académicos chinos; unas sobre economía política y otras sobre política exterior, que ponen en evidencia la circulación de ideas de nuestra región en esa parte del mundo, donde han sido utilizadas para interpretar las relaciones con América Latina y debatir su propia política exterior. El texto presenta dos hipótesis: 1) que el uso de este pensamiento teórico pone en evidencia la búsqueda china de enfoques teóricos alternativos, y su utilización busca contrarrestar la tesis de la amenaza china y la teoría del neocolonialismo; 2) que una contribución teórica latinoamericana se utiliza en el debate interno de China sobre su propia política exterior. La metodología se basa en el análisis de textos de autores chinos, publicados en español y en inglés, y de otros autores, cuyas publicaciones están en chino, y que fueron traducidos para la presente investigación. Este artigo analisa a utilização de ideias e teorias originadas no pensamento latino-americano sobre relações internacionais por parte de acadêmicos chineses; umas sobre economia política e outras sobre política exterior, que evidenciam a circulação de ideias de nossa região nessa parte do mundo, onde têm sido utilizadas para interpretar as relações com a América Latina e debater sua própria política exterior. O texto apresenta duas hipóteses: 1) que o uso desse pensamento teórico demonstra a busca chinesa de abordagens teóricas alternativas e sua utilização pretende amenizar a tese da ameaça chinesa e da teoria do neocolonialismo; 2) que uma contribuição teórica latino-americana é utilizada no debate interno da China sobre sua própria política exterior. A metodologia baseia-se na análise de textos de autores chineses, publicados em espanhol e em inglês, e de outros autores, cujas publicações estão em chinês e que foram traduzidas para a presente pesquisa.

Con excepción o en presencia de relaciones de conflicto entre Estados sudamericanos, las regiones fronterizas son consideradas áreas de intercambio, interconexión, integración y cooperación. Estas constituyen espacios de un tipo de regionalismo específico, el regionalismo fronterizoo regionalismo de fronteras, inscrito en el concepto más abarcador de regionalismoque, como tal, forma parte de los procesos contemporáneos que se dan en la economía política internacional. Con base en esta visión, el objetivo del artículo es aportar elementos analíticos y conceptuales para la teorización sobre esta moderna expresión del regionalismo. Se concluye que el regionalismo de integración fronteriza, en el caso de países en desarrollo, depende también de dinámicas derivadas del carácter de economías extrovertidas, que forman parte de nuevos procesos y espacios de regionalización.

The text analyzes the economic relations between China and Latin America in the context of the capitalist world system. It is argued that as a world power, China has developed a network of economic, trade and financial relations with other economies around the core, the semi-periphery and periphery of the system. The analysis explains the nature of the structure of economic relations between China and Latin America, which is part of China's periphery. The structure of the relationship between China and Latin America is a function of China's development and not of its periphery. In other words, the relationship serves Chinese interests through the unequal relationship in which China exports manufactured goods and high value-added products and imports basic products and commodities from Latin America. To justify this unequal relationship, Beijing argues that both partners are part of the developing world and that the trade structure between the two parties is of mutual benefit. It is what we call \"win-win rhetoric\". The paper argues that this explanation serves China as a means to hide a bilateral relationship that has a distinct North-South structure and that serves China's own interests. The text further argues that the relationship between the two parties serves China's interests as a world power. Thus, China has a utilitarian relationship with Latin America.

Se analiza la evolución de Brasil, potencia emergente, entre su ascenso con Lula y su importante proceso de declinación, que comienza bajo el primer gobierno de Rousseff, continúa con su destitución y se mantiene bajo la presidencia de Temer. La hipótesis se sostiene en el ciclo ascenso-declinación de la proyección internacional y el liderazgo regional y el surgimiento de la Alianza del Pacífico que no representa el modelo de integración que impulsó Lula. Se concluye que el gobierno de Bolsonaro pondrá en confrontación la tradición política de Itamaraty con la política exterior que propone. La metodología se basa en el análisis de fuentes secundarias y la cita de fuentes primarias.

El artículo analiza la hermenéutica de la Teología de la Liberación en el pensamiento polinésico. Se la identifica, como pensamiento teológico, a partir de autores europeos que han estudiado a los exégetas polinésicos en su lengua materna. Se concluye que no se relaciona con aquel originario de la Teología de la Liberación de origen latinoamericano, porque su origen, interpretación e instrumento como palabra de Dios, es distinta, a pesar de compartir la misma denominación como hemenéutica bíblica. Sin embargo, es una teología dirigida a los pueblos oprimidos por la colonización europea The article analyzes the hermeneutics of Liberation Theology in Polynesian thought. It is identified, as theological thought, from European authors who have studied Polynesian exegetes in their mother tongue. It is concluded that it is not related to that original of the Liberation Theology of Latin American origin, because its origin, interpretation and instrument as a word of God, is different, in spite of sharing the same denomination as biblical hemeneutics. However, it is a theology aimed at the peoples oppressed by European colonization.