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Objectives This study aimed at examining health sufferings of readymade garments (RMG) workers, the factors that affect their health sufferings, their healthcare seeking pattern, knowledge about health insurance and health related rights in Bangladesh. Methods A cross‐sectional study was conducted among 486 RMG workers recruited randomly from eight garments factories located on the periphery of Dhaka, Bangladesh. The prevalence of musculoskeletal pain, headache, fever and abdominal pain was estimated and multivariable logistic regression analysis was performed to examine association between these illnesses of workers and their socio‐demographic characteristics and other work related information. We also explored their healthcare seeking patterns, knowledge about health insurance and health related rights. Results The prevalence of musculoskeletal pain, headache, fever and abdominal pain was found to be 78.1%, 57.9%, 52.2% and 24.6%, respectively, among the RMG workers. Factors that increased the odds of: musculoskeletal pain were working for more than 10 h per day (adjusted odds ratio [AOR]: 2.3, 95% confidence interval [CI]: 1.1–4.7) and being female [AOR: 4.6, 95% CI: 2.0–10.6]; fever was living in slums [AOR: 1.9, 95% CI: 1.1–3.5]; and abdominal pain was being female [AOR: 3.6, 95% CI: 1.4–9.3]. The workers commonly reported visiting drug sellers in local pharmacies for reported illnesses. They also had better knowledge of health related rights but poor knowledge of health insurance. Conclusion In order to address the overall health and well‐being of the RMG workers, it is imperative to lay out a blueprint for a safe and healthy workplace.

The informal settlements of the Global South are the least prepared for the pandemic of COVID-19 since basic needs such as water, toilets, sewers, drainage, waste collection, and secure and adequate housing are already in short supply or non-existent. Further, space constraints, violence, and overcrowding in slums make physical distancing and self-quarantine impractical, and the rapid spread of an infection highly likely. Residents of informal settlements are also economically vulnerable during any COVID-19 responses. Any responses to COVID-19 that do not recognize these realities will further jeopardize the survival of large segments of the urban population globally. Most top-down strategies to arrest an infectious disease will likely ignore the often-robust social groups and knowledge that already exist in many slums. Here, we offer a set of practice and policy suggestions that aim to (1) dampen the spread of COVID-19 based on the latest available science, (2) improve the likelihood of medical care for the urban poor whether or not they get infected, and (3) provide economic, social, and physical improvements and protections to the urban poor, including migrants, slum communities, and their residents, that can improve their long-term well-being. Immediate measures to protect residents of urban informal settlements, the homeless, those living in precarious settlements, and the entire population from COVID-19 include the following: (1) institute informal settlements/slum emergency planning committees in every urban informal settlement; (2) apply an immediate moratorium on evictions; (3) provide an immediate guarantee of payments to the poor; (4) immediately train and deploy community health workers; (5) immediately meet Sphere Humanitarian standards for water, sanitation, and hygiene; (6) provide immediate food assistance; (7) develop and implement a solid waste collection strategy; and (8) implement immediately a plan for mobility and health care. Lessons have been learned from earlier pandemics such as HIV and epidemics such as Ebola. They can be applied here. At the same time, the opportunity exists for public health, public administration, international aid, NGOs, and community groups to innovate beyond disaster response and move toward long-term plans.

Close-to-community (CTC) health workers play a vital role in providing sexual and reproductive health services in low-income urban settlements in Bangladesh. Retention of CTC health workers is a challenge, and work motivation plays a vital role in this regard. Here, we explored the factors which affect their work motivation. We conducted 22 in-depth interviews in two phases with purposively selected CTC health workers operating in low-income urban settlements in Dhaka, Bangladesh. We analyzed our data using the framework technique which involved identifying, abstracting, charting, and matching themes across the interviews following the two-factor theory on work motivation suggested by Herzberg and colleagues. Our results suggest that factors affecting CTC sexual and reproductive health workers’ work motivation include both extrinsic and intrinsic factors. Extrinsic or hygiene factors include financial incentives, job security, community attitude, relationship with the stakeholders, supportive and regular supervision, monitoring, and physical safety and security. While, the intrinsic factors or motivators are the perceived quality of the services provided, witnessing the positive impact of the work in the community, the opportunity to serve vulnerable clients, professional development opportunities, recognition, and clients’ compliance. In the context of a high unemployment rate, people might take a CTC health worker’s job temporarily to earn a living or to use it as a pathway move to more secure employment. To maintain and improve the work motivation of the CTC sexual and reproductive health workers serving in low-income urban settlements, organizations should provide adequate financial incentives, job security, and professional development opportunities in addition to supportive and regular supervision.

Background The recent publication of the WHO guideline on support to optimise community health worker (CHW) programmes illustrates the renewed attention for the need to strengthen the performance of CHWs. Performance partly depends on motivation, which in turn is influenced by incentives. This paper aims to critically analyse the use of incentives and their link with improving CHW motivation. Methods We undertook a comparative analysis on the linkages between incentives and motivation based on existing datasets of qualitative studies in six countries. These studies had used a conceptual framework on factors influencing CHW performance, where motivational factors were defined as financial, material, non-material and intrinsic and had undertaken semi-structured interviews and focus group discussions with CHWs, supervisors, health managers and selected community members. Results We found that (a mix of) incentives influence motivation in a similar and sometimes different way across contexts. The mode of CHW engagement (employed vs. volunteering) influenced how various forms of incentives affect each other as well as motivation. Motivation was negatively influenced by incentive-related “expectation gaps”, including lower than expected financial incentives, later than expected payments, fewer than expected material incentives and job enablers, and unequally distributed incentives across groups of CHWs. Furthermore, we found that incentives could cause friction for the interface role of CHWs between communities and the health sector. Conclusions Whether CHWs are employed or engaged as volunteers has implications for the way incentives influence motivation. Intrinsic motivational factors are important to and experienced by both types of CHWs, yet for many salaried CHWs, they do not compensate for the demotivation derived from the perceived low level of financial reward. Overall, introducing and/or sustaining a form of financial incentive seems key towards strengthening CHW motivation. Adequate expectation management regarding financial and material incentives is essential to prevent frustration about expectation gaps or “broken promises”, which negatively affect motivation. Consistently receiving the type and amount of incentives promised appears as important to sustain motivation as raising the absolute level of incentives.

Many of the Bangladeshi population are vulnerable, yet the COVID-19 response focuses on individual behaviour with limited attention to the social, economic and contextual factors that prevent the most marginalised from following national recommendations. For the vast numbers of the poor, microbusiness owners, labourers, transport workers, informal sector employees and many other groups who depend on daily wages/earnings and have no social safety net, there is now only the pain of hunger, not figuratively, but literally. Public health preventions tend to be based on the biomedical virus and individual determinants of health, whereas for millions, the stark living conditions, social and contextual inequalities and realities of how and where they live prevent them from following such recommended guidelines. While there is no easy solution or strategy, for Bangladesh and its high proportion of vulnerable populations, continuation of the shutdown has to be accompanied with strong political resolve to ensure that people do not go without food and have basic health information and support, given the grounded realities of their lives.

ObjectivesTo explore how adolescent and young men negotiate the complex realities of lives to explain their pathways into and reasons for early marriage in urban slums of Bangladesh.DesignThe qualitative data used here came from a larger 3-year study that used both quantitative and qualitative research methods.SettingInterviews were conducted in two of the largest slums in Dhaka and Chittagong city of Bangladesh between December 2015 and March 2018.ParticipantsThis paper uses qualitative data from 22 in-depth interviews (IDIs) and three focus group discussions (FGDs) with adolescent and young men aged 15–24 years; 13 IDIs and 4 FGDs with parents and 11 key-informant interviews with community leaders. The purposively selected respondents were interviewed in their respective settings.ResultsIn the context of urban slums, this study revealed multiple factors influence early marriage decision-making processes among young men. These factors include socially perceived phenomenon of adulthood and readiness of marriage, poverty leading to drop out from schools and early initiation to earning livelihood, manifestations of increasing individual aspiration and agency, fulfilment of romance and erotic desires and dreams of forming one’s own family. In addition, parental and immediate societal interference to preserve norms around gender and society can act as catalysts for this decision.ConclusionsStudy findings imply that complex structural factors, social and gender norms that are contributing to the early marriage for both adolescent boys and young men in Bangladesh’s urban slums. These are locations where conservatism, poverty and urbanisation intersect resulting in early and often unprepared entry to adulthood for young men impacting on their development and well-being. It is, therefore, critical that young men should be included in the national and global conversations around child marriage and child marriage prevention programme.

Background Urbanization is occurring at a rapid pace, especially in low-income countries. Dhaka, Bangladesh, is estimated to grow to 50 million by 2015, with 21 million living in urban slums. Although health services are available, neonatal mortality is higher in slum areas than in urban non-slum areas. The Manoshi program works to improve maternal, newborn, and child health in urban slums in Bangladesh. This paper describes newborn care practices in urban slums in Dhaka and provides program recommendations. Methods A quantitative baseline survey was conducted in six urban slum areas to measure newborn care practices among recently delivered women (n = 1,256). Thirty-six in-depth semi-structured interviews were conducted to explore newborn care practices among currently pregnant women (n = 18) and women who had at least one delivery (n = 18). Results In the baseline survey, the majority of women gave birth at home (84%). Most women reported having knowledge about drying the baby (64%), wrapping the baby after birth (59%), and cord care (46%). In the in-depth interviews, almost all women reported using sterilized instruments to cut the cord. Babies are typically bathed soon after birth to purify them from the birth process. There was extensive care given to the umbilical cord including massage and/or applying substances, as well as a variety of practices to keep the baby warm. Exclusive breastfeeding was rare; most women reported first giving their babies sweet water, honey and/or other foods. Conclusion These reported newborn care practices are similar to those in rural areas of Bangladesh and to urban and rural areas in the South Asia region. There are several program implications. Educational messages to promote providing newborn care immediately after birth, using sterile thread, delaying bathing, and ensuring dry cord care and exclusive breastfeeding are needed. Programs in urban slum areas should also consider interventions to improve social support for women, especially first time mothers. These interventions may improve newborn survival and help achieve MDG4.

Background Women living with genital fistula often endure prolonged suffering and face multiple barriers to accessing treatment. Bangladesh’s government has enhanced referral mechanisms, enabling case detection in communities and facilitating surgical interventions at medical college hospitals through nationwide initiatives. However, research on barriers and facilitators for fistula treatment in Bangladesh remains limited. Detailed insights into treatment-seeking paths with time sequences are scarce. This study aimed to explore facilitators and barriers to completing fistula treatment with the description of treatment-seeking paths. This study is important to assist with future policy and program strategies for fistula treatment. Methods A facility-based qualitative study was conducted at Dhaka Medical College Hospital, Dhaka, Bangladesh. Data were collected from February to May 2024 through 18 in-depth interviews (IDIs) with in-patients, five IDIs with families, and 11 key informant interviews with health service providers. Participants’ treatment-seeking paths were described chronologically and identified patterns of treatment-seeking paths. Thematic analysis, guided by the Partners for Applied Social Sciences model for health-seeking behavior and access to care, was used to analyze case histories. Results The average duration of treatment-seeking by the women was 39 months, with a maximum of 22 years. Women with fistula often sought care at multiple facilities (up to eight), suspended treatment, and encountered systemic obstacles that delayed treatment. Key barriers included scarce information on illness and treatment in the community, less decision-making power, failure of medical communication, and systemic failures in cost, treatment, and referral systems. Facilitators that motivated women to complete treatment included informal peer support through shared treatment experiences and emotional, physical, and financial support. Conclusions Analysis of treatment-seeking paths revealed the absence of standardized treatment routes for women with fistula. To ensure effective care, raising societal awareness about fistula, improving treatment and referral systems, enhancing medical communication, and providing peer and emotional support are strongly recommended.

Responsiveness entails the social actions by health providers to meet the legitimate expectations of patients. It plays a critical role in ensuring continuity and effectiveness of care within people centered health systems. Given the lack of contextualized research on responsiveness, we qualitatively explored the perceptions of outpatient users and providers regarding what constitute responsiveness in rural Bangladesh. An exploratory study was undertaken in Chuadanga, a southwestern Bangladeshi District, involving in-depth interviews of physicians (n = 17) and users (n = 7), focus group discussions with users (n = 4), and observations of patient provider interactions (three weeks). Analysis was guided by a conceptual framework of responsiveness, which includes friendliness, respecting, informing and guiding, gaining trust and optimizing benefits. In terms of friendliness, patients expected physicians to greet them before starting consultations; even though physicians considered this unusual. Patients also expected physicians to hold social talks during consultations, which was uncommon. With regards to respect patients expected physicians to refrain from disrespecting them in various ways; but also by showing respect explicitly. Patients also had expectations related to informing and guiding: they desired explanation on at least the diagnosis, seriousness of illness, treatment and preventive steps. In gaining trust, patients expected that physicians would refrain from illegal or unethical activities related to patients, e.g., demanding money against free services, bringing patients in own private clinics by brokers (dalals), colluding with diagnostic centers, accepting gifts from pharmaceutical representatives. In terms of optimizing benefits: patients expected that physicians should be financially sensitive and consider individual need of patients. There were multiple dimensions of responsiveness- for some, stakeholders had a consensus; context was an important factor to understand them. This being an exploratory study, further research is recommended to validate the nuances of the findings. It can be a guideline for responsiveness practices, and a tipping point for future research.

The health and rights of populations living in informal or slum settlements are key development issues of the twenty-first century. As of 2007, the majority of the world's population lives in urban areas. More than one billion of these people, or one in three city-dwellers, live in inadequate housing with no or a few basic resources. In Bangladesh, urban slum settlements tend to be located in low-lying, flood-prone, poorly-drained areas, having limited formal garbage disposal and minimal access to safe water and sanitation. These areas are severely crowded, with 4-5 people living in houses of just over 100 sq feet. These conditions of high density of population and poor sanitation exacerbate the spread of diseases. People living in these areas experience social, economic and political exclusion, which bars them from society's basic resources. This paper overviews policies and actions that impact the level of exclusion of people living in urban slum settlements in Bangladesh, with a focus on improving the health and rights of the urban poor. Despite some strategies adopted to ensure better access to water and health, overall, the country does not have a comprehensive policy for urban slum residents, and the situation remains bleak.