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This article explores the Rausyan Fikr Institute as a distinctive intellectual and philosophical movement within Indonesia’s Shia Muslim community, focusing on its role in mobilizing dissent narratives and fostering intellectual activism. Within the broader historical trajectory of Shi’ism in Indonesia—from its early cultural impact and political mobilization during the Iranian Revolution to its institutional development in the Reformasi era —the Rausyan Fikr Institute represents a unique approach to implementing Shia philosophical thought through grassroots mobilization. Using the framework of ideologically structured action (ISA), this article highlights how Rausyan Fikr articulates its identity through the transmission of philosophical frameworks, critical discourse on current social-political issues, and inclusive educational initiatives. It explores three elements: (i) the dissemination of Shia Islam-inspired thought through translation, publishing, and education, (ii) the development of dissent narratives on capitalism, feminism, and dominant political structure, and (iii) the engagement with wider communities and mobilization strategies for its members, which involve students, women, and families alike in establishing space for intellectual development. The article concludes by reflecting on the Rausyan Fikr Institute’s resilience in sustaining philosophical activism under sectarian pressures, its contribution to Indonesia’s broader intellectual and religious discourse, and the challenges it encounters in preserving both ideological identity and relevance in a contested socio-political landscape.

This paper would like to discuss how the separatist movement in Chechnya and Aceh developed and grew during the process of nation-building. This paper found that the Chechen and Aceh separatism was grown out of ethno-religious sentiments and the autocratic policy of the central government. Finally, Chechnya and Aceh had different ways to solve the problem of separatism. Russian government approaches the Chechen separatism issue by “Chechenizing” the issue. However, the Indonesian government used a more holistic approach by opening political channels to all of the parties involved during the conflict to finally agree on a new system.

Using Nadkarni’s theoretical framework, this study argues that Türkiye has been unable to raise its relations with Indonesia to the level of strategic partnership. This study examines the reasons for this in two separate layers: First, as a rising middle power, Indonesia is a country where the role of the leader in the foreign policymaking process is relatively influential. This situation shows that Turkish policymakers should take into consideration the leaders’foreign policy orientations in their relations with Indonesia. Secondly, Turkish decision-makers need to carefully analyze internal factors such as culture and domestic politics when developing relations with middle-power countries. In this context, although this study finds that military and commercial relations between Türkiye and Indonesia have reached a significant level, it argues that this is still not sufficient for a strategic partnership. Finally, this study suggests that Indonesia and Türkiye should build their relations by thoroughly considering the internal dynamics in each country.