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Censorship profoundly affected early modern writing. Censorship and Conflict in Seventeenth-Century England offers a detailed picture of early modern censorship and investigates the pressures that censorship exerted on seventeenth-century authors, printers, and publishers. In the 1600s, Britain witnessed a civil war, the judicial execution of a king, the restoration of his son, and an unremitting struggle among crown, parliament, and people for sovereignty and the right to define \"liberty and property.\" This battle, sometimes subtle, sometimes bloody, entailed a struggle for the control of language and representation. Robertson offers a richly detailed study of this \"censorship contest\" and of the craft that writers employed to outflank the licensers. He argues that for most parties, victory, not diplomacy or consensus, was the ultimate goal. This book differs from most recent works in analyzing both the mechanics of early modern censorship and the poetics that the licensing system produced-the forms and pressures of self-censorship. Among the issues that Robertson addresses in this book are the workings of the licensing machinery, the designs of art and obliquity under a regime of censorship, and the involutions of authorship attendant on anonymity.

Richard Lovelace's work has a quietly polemical thrust, its smooth surface is deceptive, a product of the censorship that fell athwart royalist writers of the period. Here, Roberston examines the ways in which Lovelace's curved style in Lucasta, as well as his strategic alliance with select parliamentarians, allowed him to circumvent the Puritan censorship that stood in his way. The text and context of Lucasta illustrate the methods that early modern writers used to negotiate censorship and to forge political consensus in times of crisis.

This research delves into the phenomenon of computational propaganda on social media, and draws on social media specialists from some of South Africa's best performing brands to explore potential strategies political parties can employ to mitigate against crises that occur as a result of computational propaganda.This research is of importance given that South Africa is entering its first ever National Elections since the identification of computational propaganda as a threat to electoral processes. To date, there is no research that explores this within the South African context.The research entailed semi-structured interviews with eight social media managers, selected using the purposive non-probability sampling method. In addition to this, the research interviewed a communications head from South Africa's largest political party in order to assess what strategies are already in place. These two sets of data were consolidated resulting in four potential strategies to mitigate against the risk of computational propaganda. The four potential mitigation strategies are grouped into two approaches, the first approach relates to preventative measures political parties can take, namely protecting brand identity and aligning communications. The second approach related to defensive measures political party brands could take in the event of a computational propaganda event, namely online reputation management and integration of communication.The research further uncovered contextual considerations political party brands must take into account before employing strategies to mitigate against crises that arise as a result of computational propaganda.

[...]cases of copyright and stock infringement represent a relatively modest portion of the works suppressed from 1641-1695, as the government's raids far outnumbered those of the Stationers. On the issue of unlicensed publications more generally, as Michael Treadwell points out, and as I note in my book, the authorities often used the lack of a government license-which is distinct, as I make clear, from the Stationers' \"license\" (see, inter alia, pp. 8-9, 31)-to suppress a work that they deemed objectionable, as it was easier to prove that a book was unlicensed than that it was \"seditious.\" What is more, in many warrants and examinations dealing with \"scandalous\" or \"seditious libels,\" the government highlighted the publications' unlicensed status. [...]when Clegg maintains that \"[t]he real issues in ideological censorship, especially, after the Civil Wars, were treason and sedition as defined by the statutes and the courts,\" she is only half right, as, contrary to what she seems to suggest, the laws on sedition and treason usually worked in concert with the licensing laws.

Andrew Thorncome's edition of Rochester's Poems (1685) is worthy of critical attention for many reasons, not least of which is that its editor censored the 1680 edition on which it is based. Many of the editorial changes indeed soften Rochester's bawdy, but Randy Robertson and Garth Libhart argue that there were also political issues at stake. The anonymous editor of one of the 1680 editions of the poem designed the volume as polemically Whig, as an intervention in the debates surrounding the Popish Plot and the Exclusion Crisis; Thorncome's 1685 edition, while still Whiggish, represents an effort to temper the strident partisanship of the 1680 volume. In this article Robertson and Libhart analyze the editorial construction, reconstruction, and deployment of Rochester's political identity in the 1680 and 1685 editions of his Poems.

Andrew Thorncome's edition of Rochester'sPoems(1685) is worthy of critical attention for many reasons, not least of which is that its editor censored the 1680 edition on which it is based. Many of the editorial changes indeed soften Rochester's bawdy, but Randy Robertson and Garth Libhart argue that there were also political issues at stake. The anonymous editor of one of the 1680 editions of the poem designed the volume as polemically Whig, as an intervention in the debates surrounding the Popish Plot and the Exclusion Crisis; Thorncome's 1685 edition, while still Whiggish, represents an effort to temper the strident partisanship of the 1680 volume. In this article Robertson and Libhart analyze the editorial construction, reconstruction, and deployment of Rochester's political identity in the 1680 and 1685 editions of hisPoems.