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The prevailing theory of language switching states that unbalanced bilingual speakers use inhibition to switch between their languages (Inhibitory Control or IC model; Green, 1998). Using fMRI, we examined the brain mechanisms underlying language switching and investigated the role of domain-general inhibition areas such as the right inferior frontal gyrus (rIFG) and the pre-supplementary motor area (pre-SMA). Dutch–English–German trilinguals performed a picture naming task in the MRI scanner in both a blocked-language and a mixed-language context. The rIFG and pre-SMA showed more activation for switches to the second and third language (L2 and L3) compared to non-switch trials and blocked trials. No such difference was found for switches to the first language (L1). Our results indicate that language switching recruits brain areas related to domain-general inhibition. In this way, our study supports the claim that multilinguals use inhibition to switch between their languages. •Trilingual speakers performed a language switching task in the MRI scanner.•Language switching showed increased activation in the right IFG and pre-SMA.•Bilinguals use domain-general inhibition areas to switch between their languages.

According to a prominent theory of language production, concepts activate multiple associated words in memory, which enter into competition for selection. However, only a few electrophysiological studies have identified brain responses reflecting competition. Here, we report a magnetoencephalography study in which the activation of competing words was manipulated by presenting pictures (e.g., dog) with distractor words. The distractor and picture name were semantically related (cat), unrelated (pin), or identical (dog). Related distractors are stronger competitors to the picture name because they receive additional activation from the picture relative to other distractors. Picture naming times were longer with related than unrelated and identical distractors. Phase-locked and non-phase-locked activity were distinct but temporally related. Phase-locked activity in left temporal cortex, peaking at 400 ms, was larger on unrelated than related and identical trials, suggesting differential activation of alternative words by the picture-word stimuli. Non-phase-locked activity between roughly 350-650 ms (4-10 Hz) in left superior frontal gyrus was larger on related than unrelated and identical trials, suggesting differential resolution of the competition among the alternatives, as reflected in the naming times. These findings characterise distinct patterns of activity associated with lexical activation and competition, supporting the theory that words are selected by competition.

Although bilingual speakers are very good at selectively using one language rather than another, sometimes language selection errors occur. To investigate how bilinguals monitor their speech errors and control their languages in use, we recorded event-related potentials (ERPs) in unbalanced Dutch-English bilingual speakers in a cued language-switching task. We tested the conflict-based monitoring model of Nozari and colleagues by investigating the error-related negativity (ERN) and comparing the effects of the two switching directions (i.e., to the first language, L1 vs. to the second language, L2). Results show that the speakers made more language selection errors when switching from their L2 to the L1 than vice versa. In the EEG, we observed a robust ERN effect following language selection errors compared to correct responses, reflecting monitoring of speech errors. Most interestingly, the ERN effect was enlarged when the speakers were switching to their L2 (less conflict) compared to switching to the L1 (more conflict). Our findings do not support the conflict-based monitoring model. We discuss an alternative account in terms of error prediction and reinforcement learning.

Wernicke (Der aphasische Symptomencomplex: Eine psychologische Studie auf anatomischer Basis. Cohn und Weigert, Breslau.  https://wellcomecollection.org/works/dwv5w9rw , 1874) proposed a model of the functional neuroanatomy of spoken word repetition, production, and comprehension. At the heart of this epoch-making model are psychological reflex arcs underpinned by fiber tracts connecting sensory to motor areas. Here, I evaluate the central assumption of psychological reflex arcs in light of what we have learned about language in the brain during the past 150 years. I first describe Wernicke’s 1874 model and the evidence he presented for it. Next, I discuss his updates of the model published in 1886 and posthumously in 1906. Although the model had an enormous immediate impact, it lost influence after the First World War. Unresolved issues included the anatomical underpinnings of the psychological reflex arcs, the role of auditory images in word production, and the sufficiency of psychological reflex arcs, which was questioned by Wundt (Grundzüge der physiologischen Psychologie. Engelmann, Leipzig. http://vlp.mpiwg-berlin.mpg.de/references?id=lit46 , 1874; Grundzüge der physiologischen Psychologie (Vol. 1, 5th ed.). Engelmann, Leipzig. http://vlp.mpiwg-berlin.mpg.de/references?id=lit806 , 1902). After a long dormant period, Wernicke’s model was revived by Geschwind (Science 170:940–944. https://doi.org/10.1126/science.170.3961.940 , 1970; Selected papers on language and the brain. Reidel, Dordrecht, 1974), who proposed a version of it that differed in several important respects from Wernicke’s original. Finally, I describe how new evidence from modern research has led to a novel view on language in the brain, supplementing contemporary equivalents of psychological reflex arcs by other mechanisms such as attentional control and assuming different neuroanatomical underpinnings. In support of this novel view, I report new analyses of patient data and computer simulations using the WEAVER++/ARC model (Roelofs 2014, 2022) that incorporates attentional control and integrates the new evidence.

Van den Hoven et al. contested my interpretation of Wernicke regarding the role of the arcuate fasciculus (AF) in word production. Here, I clarify and defend my interpretation. They also questioned the assumption of AF subtracts in my modern account, stating that subtracts are difficult to distinguish anatomically due to overlapping terminations. Here, I make clear that overlap in terminations was actually part of my account, in which differentially damaged subtracts explained patients’ differential naming and repetition performance as well as types of repetition performance.

Researchers debate whether Stroop interference from an incongruent word in color-naming response time is caused by response competition or by response exclusion. According to the former account, the interference reflects competition in lexical response selection during color name planning, whereas according to the latter, the interference reflects the removal of a motor program for the incongruent word from an articulatory buffer after planning. Here, numerical predictions about the magnitude of Stroop interference as a function of stimulus onset asynchrony were derived from these accounts. These predictions were then tested on representative data in the literature. Measures of goodness-of-fit showed that the numerical predictions of a response competition account are closer to the empirical data than those of the response exclusion account. These results indicate that response competition provides a better explanation of interference in naming than does response exclusion.

The present study provides Dutch norms for age of acquisition, familiarity, imageability, image agreement, visual complexity, word frequency, and word length (in syllables) for 124 line drawings of actions. Ratings were obtained from 117 Dutch participants. Word frequency was determined on the basis of the SUBTLEX-NL corpus (Keuleers, Brysbaert, & New, Behavior Research Methods, 42, 643–650, 2010 ). For 104 of the pictures, naming latencies and name agreement were determined in a separate naming experiment with 74 native speakers of Dutch. The Dutch norms closely corresponded to the norms for British English. Multiple regression analysis showed that age of acquisition, imageability, image agreement, visual complexity, and name agreement were significant predictors of naming latencies, whereas word frequency and word length were not. Combined with the results of a principal-component analysis, these findings suggest that variables influencing the processes of conceptual preparation and lexical selection affect latencies more strongly than do variables influencing word-form encoding.

Does the spelling of a word mandatorily constrain spoken word production, or does it do so only when spelling is relevant for the production task at hand? Damian and Bowers (2003) reported spelling effects in spoken word production in English using a prompt-response word generation task. Preparation of the response words was disrupted when the responses shared initial phonemes that differed in spelling, suggesting that spelling constrains speech production mandatorily. The present experiments, conducted in Dutch, tested for spelling effects using word production tasks in which spelling was clearly relevant (oral reading in Experiment 1) or irrelevant (object naming and word generation in Experiments 2 and 3, respectively). Response preparation was disrupted by spelling inconsistency only with the word reading, suggesting that the spelling of a word constrains spoken word production in Dutch only when it is relevant for the word production task at hand.

Accumulating evidence suggests that some degree of attentional control is required to regulate and monitor processes underlying speaking. Although progress has been made in delineating the neural substrates of the core language processes involved in speaking, substrates associated with regulatory and monitoring processes have remained relatively underspecified. We report the results of an fMRI study examining the neural substrates related to performance in three attention-demanding tasks varying in the amount of linguistic processing: vocal picture naming while ignoring distractors (picture-word interference, PWI); vocal color naming while ignoring distractors (Stroop); and manual object discrimination while ignoring spatial position (Simon task). All three tasks had congruent and incongruent stimuli, while PWI and Stroop also had neutral stimuli. Analyses focusing on common activation across tasks identified a portion of the dorsal anterior cingulate cortex (ACC) that was active in incongruent trials for all three tasks, suggesting that this region subserves a domain-general attentional control function. In the language tasks, this area showed increased activity for incongruent relative to congruent stimuli, consistent with the involvement of domain-general mechanisms of attentional control in word production. The two language tasks also showed activity in anterior-superior temporal gyrus (STG). Activity increased for neutral PWI stimuli (picture and word did not share the same semantic category) relative to incongruent (categorically related) and congruent stimuli. This finding is consistent with the involvement of language-specific areas in word production, possibly related to retrieval of lexical-semantic information from memory. The current results thus suggest that in addition to engaging language-specific areas for core linguistic processes, speaking also engages the ACC, a region that is likely implementing domain-general attentional control.