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This paper gives an update of the RTTOV (Radiative Transfer for TOVS) fast radiative transfer model, which is widely used in the satellite retrieval and data assimilation communities. RTTOV is a fast radiative transfer model for simulating top-of-atmosphere radiances from passive visible, infrared and microwave downward-viewing satellite radiometers. In addition to the forward model, it also optionally computes the tangent linear, adjoint and Jacobian matrix providing changes in radiances for profile variable perturbations assuming a linear relationship about a given atmospheric state. This makes it a useful tool for developing physical retrievals from satellite radiances, for direct radiance assimilation in NWP models, for simulating future instruments, and for training or teaching with a graphical user interface. An overview of the RTTOV model is given, highlighting the updates and increased capability of the latest versions, and it gives some examples of its current performance when compared with more accurate line-by-line radiative transfer models and a few selected observations. The improvement over the original version of the model released in 1999 is demonstrated.

This article challenges two common misconceptions about ultramontani and Italian Renaissance education. The first is better known but still prevalent in some accounts: it is too often assumed that a visit to Italy needs must make a foreigner come under the influence of the studia humanitatis – but, in truth, many travelled without ever coming in contact with what we call humanism. The second misconception is less recognized: it is the assumption that travellers to Italy sought out specific teachers, in particular, Guarino da Verona, as a font of humanist learning. Even in the classic iconoclastic account of Grafton and Jardine, it is accepted that Guarino enjoyed an international reputation that attracted students to him. In truth, the claim tells us more about the self-conscious construction of Guarino's image by his students (sometimes under his own direction) than it does about their own experience. It is a reputation that has created a classic case of misdirection: modern scholars concentrate on what was or was not happening in his presence, at the risk of missing what was going on elsewhere. Despite their own rhetoric, Guarino's foreign students did not flock to Italy solely to sit at the pedagogue's feet: they submitted themselves to multiple educational stimuli, and continued their own studies away from their master. In other words, the students manufactured their own humanist experience, both within and outside educational establishments.

This article challenges two common misconceptions about ultramontani and Italian Renaissance education. The first is better known but still prevalent in some accounts: it is too often assumed that a visit to I taly needs must make a foreigner come under the influence of the studia humanitatis – but, in truth, many travelled without ever coming in contact with what we call humanism. The second misconception is less recognized: it is the assumption that travellers to I taly sought out specific teachers, in particular, Guarino da Verona, as a font of humanist learning. Even in the classic iconoclastic account of Grafton and Jardine, it is accepted that Guarino enjoyed an international reputation that attracted students to him. In truth, the claim tells us more about the self‐conscious construction of Guarino's image by his students (sometimes under his own direction) than it does about their own experience. It is a reputation that has created a classic case of misdirection: modern scholars concentrate on what was or was not happening in his presence, at the risk of missing what was going on elsewhere. Despite their own rhetoric, Guarino's foreign students did not flock to I taly solely to sit at the pedagogue's feet: they submitted themselves to multiple educational stimuli, and continued their own studies away from their master. In other words, the students manufactured their own humanist experience, both within and outside educational establishments.

This article investigates the relationship between the two earliest posthumous biographies of Henry V, king of England (1413 – 1422), Tito Livio Frulovisi's Vita Henrici Quinti and the anonymous Vita et Gesta Henrici Quinti (known as the Ps-Elmham). Both these works were edited in the early eighteenth century by Thomas Hearne, but the relationship between them was for many years a matter of debate. The twentieth-century orthodoxy, established by Charles Kingsford in an article in the English Historical Review, was the Vita et Gesta is a long-winded recitation in overblown Latin of the information previously presented more elegantly in Frulovisi's biography. The first intention of this article is to detail some of the evidence which demands that we reject the accepted order of composition of the two works. A comparison of structure, style and the attention paid to Humfrey, duke of Gloucester demonstrates that the Vita et Gesta is the earlier work and the main source for Frulovisi, rather than vice versa. The second section of the article briefly outlines the implications of correctly establishing the relationship between the two works, touching on some of the consequences for our understanding of English historiography, of literary patronage and of political culture in fifteenth century England.

Quattrocento and Cinquecento humanists proved a nomadic tribe, often combining their rhetorical agility with physical mobility. Their pattern of movement was Europe-wide, with a significant proportion of humanists spending part of their career far from their own \"patria\". Discusses one little-known example of this phenomenon of humanism as an international enterprise, Filippo Alberici of Mantua (d. 1531). The extant witnesses to Alberici's humanist talents are limited, but included a previously unidentified poem entitled \"De homine condito\", which allows reinterpretation of the context in which some of Alberici's other works were produced and, in so doing, provides broader insight into the nature of humanist patronage in England in the reign of Henry VII. (Quotes from original text)