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There they watched members of Brazil's Federal Police, armed with machine guns, accompany government representative Hélio Ferraz de Oliveira, acting head of the Audiovisual Secretariat (SAv), to collect the venerable institution's keys from Francisco Câmpera, director of the Roquette Pinto Educational Communication Association (ACERP), which had been officially contracted in March 2018 by the Ministries of Culture and Education to manage CB's operations.1 In December 2019, less than one year into Jair Bolsonaro's presidency, which began with the dismantling of the Ministry of Culture, the government failed to renew the ACERP contract. A week after the tension-filled handover of keys, ACERP was forced to dismiss the remaining members of CB's original sixty-two technical staff, who had stayed on for months without pay to safeguard materials, especially nitrate and acetate collections requiring strict temperature controls and regular checks. Digitized materials include 6,322 films, 3,834 Brazilian and international film posters, 53,381 production stills, and 24,354 other items ranging from TV Tupi news scripts (1950-1980) to all issues of the prestigious journal Filme Cultura, first published in 1966.3 Occupying an area of over 250,000 square feet, the CB headquarters has two movie theaters; a café; a research library; four climate-controlled rooms, two for color and two for black-and-white films; four rooms in a separate area for nitrate films, each with a capacity of one thousand reels; plus office and exhibition spaces. During the hot summer of 1957, a fire broke out in the highly combustible nitrate stock, consuming one third of the CB's films, along with its library of books and records, troves of documents, and camera collectibles.

Like their Hollywood counterparts, Latin American film and TV melodramas have always been popular and highly profitable. The first of its kind, this anthology engages in a serious study of the aesthetics and cultural implications of Latin American melodramas. Written by some of the major figures in Latin American film scholarship, the studies range across seventy years of movies and television within a transnational context, focusing specifically on the period known as the \"Golden Age\" of melodrama, the impact of classic melodrama on later forms, and more contemporary forms of melodrama. An introductory essay examines current critical and theoretical debates on melodrama and places the essays within the context of Latin American film and media scholarship._x000B__x000B_Contributors are Luisela Alvaray, Mariana Baltar, Catherine L. Benamou, Marvin D'Lugo, Paula Felix-Didier, Andres Levinson, Gilberto Perez, Darlene J. Sadlier, Cid Vasconcelos, and Ismail Xavier.

Walter Salles is a Brazilian director who make films with broad geographic scope and their emphasis on characters who move into or across new environments. Sadlier discusses Foreign Land, Central Station, and The Motorcycle Diaries as travel narratives that deal with the sociopolitical implications of depaysement.

Graciliano Ramos received his initial recognition in the U.S. in the period immediately before and after World War II, when critics praised his fluid narrative style, his unusually penetrating social criticism, and his poignant representation of a people in the little-known Brazilian Northeast. The U.S. assessment and appreciation of Graciliano's work has grown steadily over the years, to the point where, in this country, some of our most powerful and enduring literary images of Brazil can be traced back to his austere landscapes and remarkable characters, including the love-crazed Luis da Silva, the boisterous Paulo Honorio, the humble Fabiano, and the ever-faithful Baleia. Today, Graciliano is a canonical figure in U.S. university courses on Brazilian literature and culture and some of his fiction, particularly Vidas secas, is often read in classes on film adaptation and comparative literature. Critical studies of his work have explored a wide range of issues and there is every indication that his books will have a permanent interest. Despite the substantial body of scholarship on Graciliano, however, there has been no discussion of the history of his critical reception in the U.S., which will be the focus of this essay. Such a discussion is useful, I believe, because it can reveal defining historical moments, ideological tendencies, and cultural formations that have influenced how we select, read, and write about literature. Adapted from the source document.

Bell hooks's Talking Back engaged the class in still broader discussions of theory and pedagogy, and at the same time enabled students to consider the relevance of unexplored feminist perspectives that might be brought to bear on the local situation. One of the reasons hooks was so interesting to my students was that she derives a considerable part of her approach from the work of Brazilian educator, Paulo Freire. Freire's widely acclaimed book, Pedagogia do Oprimido (1970) (Pedagogy of the Oppressed), is an attempt to formulate a theory that will enable teachers to transform illiterate individuals, who are submerged in a \"culture of silence,\" into participatory or speaking subjects. 7 Throughout her book, hooks tries to do similar work. She affirms her solidarity with the cause of feminist liberation, but she is wary of academics who presume to speak for the \"other\" or who question the validity of the personal testimony: \"It is our responsibility collectively and individually to distinguish between mere speaking that is about self-aggrandizement, exploitation of the exotic `other,' and that coming to voice which is a gesture of resistance, an affirmation of struggle.\" 8 Hooks wants to develop a pedagogy that will reach large numbers of adults outside the university, and her aim is very much in keeping with certain non-academic feminists in Brazil, where the majority of the population is poor and working class. For hooks, the personal is unproblematically political, and \"talking back\" becomes a way for those women who never previously had a public voice in society or within the feminist movement to move from object to subject. Her emphasis on the word \"talking\" revealed to my class that, for certain groups in the United States, literacy is not a given. If change is to occur among these groups, then feminism and feminist theory needs to expand to include oral narratives and multiple theories \"emerging from diverse perspectives in a variety of styles\" (37). The degree to which women's studies in Brazil has transformed the society at large is negligible, because the feminist movement is contained within the university and tends to follow an imported theoretical (white, middle-class) model which is relatively complacent when it comes to issues of race and class. Feminism in the United States has been more successful, if only because of the greater size of the middle-class population; but the era of political engagement, when theoretical books actually provoked a significant percentage of the population toward \"conscientization\" (Freire's conscientiza#231;ao) or, in hooks's words, toward an ability \"to think critically about the self and identity in relation to one's circumstances,\" 9 seems long past. In Brazil, that historical moment has yet to come. Despite her unproblematic view of personal testimonial literature and autobiography, hooks provided my students with a very different look at feminist critique in the United States. For them, hooks's attribution of her own early conscientiza#231;ao and her understanding of the relationship of theory and praxis to the Brazilian Freire was liberatory in and of itself. Perhaps the most profound impact that hooks had on the students, however, was the realization that theory (and not only feminist theory) was not the property of the \"other,\" and that within the boundaries of Brazil was a theoretical source so powerful that it reached out and influenced a prominent scholar in the United States.