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This article examines the recent dynamics of European imperialism in Libya in the light of Marx's theory of the global reserve army of labour. It analyses the limited advance of Western imperialism in Libya in the decade before the 2011 uprisings, the interactions between local, regional and international forces during and after the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) intervention, and, finally, the evolving migratory patterns from Libya. In this light, the instability along the southern and eastern Mediterranean coastline - a product of the uprisings and the forms of political reactions they unleashed - is simultaneously a security threat and a channel of migratory movements to European capitalism.

Despite conflict-affected economies being among the largest recipients of aid worldwide, the theoretical frameworks and the political inclinations of donors make it very unlikely for their assistance programmes to have a lasting developmental impact in conflict zones. This paper highlights the key shortcomings in donors' theoretical frameworks, policies and approaches when dealing with a situation of conflict - suggesting that such shortcomings in some cases could even contribute towards a prolonging of the conflict itself. A pre- and post-Intifada analysis of donor activities in the occupied Palestinian territories is presented in order to demonstrate the stark shifts in donor funding in response to the rise of conflict: from develop­ment spending to institution building and governance reforms. It is argued that this shift was not only out of tune with the emerging needs of the Palestinian economy, but also, in some cases, helped worsen the impact of the conflict on the Palestinian economy - yet, nevertheless, it helped to justify the donors' continued presence in one of the most politically-charged conflicts in the world.

Despite for many years receiving the highest per capita aid worldwide, the economies of the West Bank and Gaza Strip have failed to achieve any lasting developmental outcomes and suffer from major weaknesses which undermine their very survival. This book argues that the dominant, mainstream approach to the study of aid and aid effectiveness is theoretically and empirically inadequate for a comprehensive understanding and analysis of the workings of aid in developing countries, particularly those undergoing conflict. This book examines the nature of donor operations in Palestine, highlighting the political and ideological determinants of aid allocation and effectiveness, and focussing on the role of trade-related donor assistance in Palestine, more commonly known as Aid for Trade. It discusses how such trade-related assistance is only another instance of donors working ‘around’ the conflict, as opposed to taking it into account; and how aid to Palestine cannot bring about significant improvement as long as the Palestinian economy is fundamentally affected by Israeli occupation, settlements and blockade. It argues that unless restructured and more carefully targeted, aid can only act as a temporary relief mechanism. Furthermore, the book sheds light on critical areas within Palestinian territories that are in need of development and require significant and immediate attention at both national and international level. \"[T]his book adds an important, distinctive and timely contribution to the scholarly work on Palestine, its economy and the development process. It is a must-read for all actors and scholars that deal with the aid and development industry in Palestine particularly and in the conflict-affected areas generally.\" - Alaa Tartir, LSE; LSE Review of Books, 19th July 2012 1. Introduction 2. Aid Effectiveness Debate Disputed 3. Palestinian Economic Performance and Donor Response: A Pre-and Post--Intifada Analysis 4. (De-)development and Collapse of Palestinian Trade: 1967-present 5. Trade-Related Assistance in Palestine 6. Evaluation of the Trends in Donor Assistance to Palestine SaharTaghdisi-Rad is currently an economist at the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD) in Geneva.

The Arab Spring and recent popular uprisings that have taken place in many Arab countries since the end of 2010 highlight the urgent need for economic policy reorientation in these countries. This book addresses key issues relevant to the contemporary economic realities of the Arab economies; including policy space, generation of more productive and decent employment, social justice and poverty alleviation, regional integration and the common destiny of the Arab people, and the failure of the structural adjustment programs recommended by the Bretton Woods institutions and implemented in these countries in the last three decades. The volume explores, and makes recommendations, for deep pan Arab regional integration and alternative pro-poor, growth-oriented economic and trade policies capable of promoting social justice by reducing the incidence of poverty. It highlights the ways in which various types of economic and trade policies have affected the levels of employment and poverty in five Arab countries: Egypt, Jordan, Morocco, the occupied Palestinian territory and Sudan. Using a mixture of qualitative and quantitative methodologies, the book focuses on Arab trade integration, exploring the obstacles to its implementation in the past, as well as its potentials as a source of employment generation and enhancement of living conditions. The book also addresses the construction, interpretation and use of quantitative trade indicators for optimal policy choice at both the domestic and regional levels.

Introduction -- Aid effectiveness debate disputed -- Palestinian economic performance and donor response: a pre-and post--intifada analysis -- (De-)development and collapse of Palestinian trade: 1967--present -- Trade-related assistance in Palestine -- Evaluation of the trends in donor assistance to Palestine -- Conclusion

Despite for many years receiving the highest per capitaaid worldwide, the economies of the West Bank and Gaza Strip have failed to achieve any lasting developmental outcomes and suffer from major weaknesses which undermine their very survival. This book argues that the dominant, mainstream approach to the study of aid and aid effectiveness is theoretically and empirically inadequate for a comprehensive understanding and analysis of the workings of aid in developing countries, particularly those undergoing conflict. This book examines the nature of donor operations in Palestine, highlighting the political and ideological determinants of aid allocation and effectiveness, and focussing on the role of trade-related donor assistance in Palestine, more commonly known as Aid for Trade. It discusses how such trade-related assistance is only another instance of donors working 'around' the conflict, as opposed to taking it into account; and how aid to Palestine cannot bring about significant improvement as long as the Palestinian economy is fundamentally affected by Israeli occupation, settlements and blockade. It argues that unless restructured and more carefully targeted, aid can only act as a temporary relief mechanism. Furthermore, the book sheds light on critical areas within Palestinian territories that are in need of development and require significant and immediate attention at both national and international level.

Introduction : promoting sub-regional growth-oriented economic and trade policies towards achieving the Millennium Development Goals in selected Arab countries / by Hanaa Kheir-El-Din and Fadle Naqib -- Investigating the relationship between trade and poverty : the case of Egypt -- Employment and poverty effects of trade and investment policies in Jordan -- Process and implications of Morocco's economic and trade liberalization -- Economic and trade policy-making under occupation in the Palestinian Territory -- Trade policy, regional integration and pro-poor growth : an empirical analysis for Sudan, 1970-2007 -- Quantitative study : Arab trade : data, models and issues -- Conclusion : development strategy for poverty reduction and Arab integration / by Hanaa Kheir El-Din and Fadle Naqib

The discussions in the previous chapters have so far demonstrated the extent of the general mismatch and disparity between the donors’ frameworks and activities in the Palestine, on the one hand, and the actual needs of the Palestinian economy as defined by the intensifying elements and legacies of prolonged occupation, on the other hand. This leads to the conclusion that, at the macro-level, donors’ political interests (or indeed that of their associated governments) in a conflict situation dictates the general direction of their assistance; whereas, at the micro-, project level, it is donors’ ideological leanings (which themselves have their origins in donors’ political stance) which determine the choice of their projects and programmes.

Conflicts and wars have long-term effects on the structure of the economy not only through affecting the economy at the micro, meso and macro-levels, but also (sometimes fundamentally) reshaping the current structures and future prospects of the economy. The decline of some sectors and the rise of new ones, demise of certain classes and the empowerment of others, all affect the process of (primitive) accumulation and transformation in the conflict-affected country.