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Votes for Women provides an innovative re-examination of the suffrage movement, presenting new perspectives which challenge the existing literature on this subject. This fascinating book charts the history of the movement in Britain from the nineteenth century to the postwar period, assessing important figures such as;* Emmeline Pankhurst and the militant wing* Millicent Garrett Fawcett, leader of the constitutional wing*Jennie Baines and her link with the international suffrage movements.

This is a history of the suffrage movement in Britain from the beginnings of the first sustained campaign in the 1860s to the winning of the vote for women in 1918. The book focuses on a number of figures whose role in this agitation has been ignored or neglected. These include the free-thinker Elizabeth Wolstenholme Elmy; the founder of the women's movement in the United States, Elizabeth Cady Stanton; the working class orator, Jessie Craigen; and the socialist suffragists, Hannah Mitchell and Mary Gawthorpe. Through the lives of these figures Holton uncovers the complex origins of the movement and associated issues of gender. 'This book... compels a re-evaluation of the whole (suffrage) movement, and its historiography... It is a must for anyone who wants to be informed about women's suffrage.' – The Fawcett Library Newsletter 'This fine, impeccably researched book.' – The Times Higher Education Supplement 'Her marvellous new book, Suffrage Days , is both sufficiently readable to engage new students' interest and sufficiently provocative in its aim and its fresh discoveries to engross old suffrage hands. Holton is a hard act to follow.' – Jill Liddington, University of Leeds. 'A splendid job ... highly enjoyable.' – Reviews in History

During his own lifetime John Bright (1811-1889) assumed an iconic status in the history both of Quakerism and of middle-class radical politics as “the Tribune of the people.” Yet he remains an anomalous figure, difficult to place in the frameworks that presently organize the historiography of modern Quakerism, and of reform politics in the nineteenth century. In large part this reflects a failure among his biographers and social historians of this period to analyze in any depth the relation between his politics and his spiritual life. His religious values have been variously denied or given a nodding acknowledgment as fundamental to his radicalism. And where the religious basis of John Bright’s radicalism is accepted, there are varying and contrasting accounts of that relationship.

This article analyzes British women's historian Alice Clark's (1874-1934) encounters with tuberculosis, in order to chart her rejection of an invalid identity for a more autonomous sense of self. It also compares and contrasts the effect of tuberculosis on her life with that of her elder brother, John Bright Clark, in order to distinguish how sex, gender, class, and historical context affect the impact of this disease. Third, it examines the disease process from the consumptive's point of view, seeking to acknowledge Alice Clark's agency in choosing how to live with and die from this disease.

This article explores the relation between the work of history and a changing sense of national and gender identities in the life of Alice Stopford Green. Born within the Anglo-Irish ascendancy, she began such work as assistant to her husband, J. R. Green, one of the pioneers of social history. When he died a few years after their marriage, she found her own calling as a historian, a calling she understood in terms of the world of letters, rather than that of the 'professional' historians then emerging within universities. For her history was, and remained, a clearly political undertaking, especially for the part she believed it must play in any education for citizenship. In her widowhood, however, there is evident also a shift in her own national and gender identities. Her work on English history was within a few years entirely abandoned for the pursuit of Irish history, as she came to see herself as Irish rather than English. While thorough in her scholarship, she also began to think about the particular contribution that 'woman' might make to the world of letters, a contribution that she often conceptualized in terms of an emphasis on the 'picturesque' in history. The practice of her calling came increasingly, therefore, to refelect a sense of herself as a woman, and more especially, as an Irish woman.

During his own lifetime John Bright (1811-1889) assumed an iconic status in the history both of Quakerism and of middle-class radical politics as “the Tribune of the people.” Yet he remains an anomalous figure, difficult to place in the frameworks that presently organize the historiography of modern Quakerism, and of reform politics in the nineteenth century. In large part this reflects a failure among his biographers and social historians of this period to analyze in any depth the relation between his politics and his spiritual life. His religious values have been variously denied or given a nodding acknowledgment as fundamental to his radicalism. And where the religious basis of John Bright’s radicalism is accepted, there are varying and contrasting accounts of that relationship.