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Many studies have suggested that stringent labor protections and higher labor costs can limit foreign direct investment (FDI) in host countries. This would imply that the decisions of foreign firms are sensitive to the degree of flexibility in the labor market in the U.S. The U.S. has a steady stream of immigration, which has preserved the stability of the labor supply for the U.S. market. This makes the U.S. a good test case for the relationship between immigration and FDI because it is not only the largest host for FDI but also has the largest immigrant population in the world in absolute terms and is experiencing a significant reduction in labor supply and an increase in the minimum cost of labor. Utilizing a time-series analysis of data from 1970 to 2016, this study suggests that expansive immigration policies directly increase FDI inflows in the U.S. and indirectly increase FDI inflows by lowering labor costs and securing a stable supply of labor.

Background/Objectives: Mental health disparities across generations are a growing concern in rapidly changing societies. While health-related quality of life (HRQoL) and social networking are widely recognized as determinants of psychological well-being, less is known about how their effects differ across age groups. This study investigates the generational patterns in the relationship between HRQoL, social networking, and mental health in South Korea. Methods: We analyzed data from the nationally representative 2023 Community Health Survey (South Korea). HRQoL, social networking activity, and self-reported mental health outcomes (stress and depression) were assessed. Multivariate models were used to test main effects and interactions, with stratification by generational cohorts. Results: Across all models (i.e., all age groups), good HRQoL strongly predicts lower depression (PHQ-9 scores), showing coefficients ranging from –1.20 to –1.48, p < 0.001. Social networking activity also predicts reduced depressive symptoms, with significant effects from the thirties onward (e.g., –0.317 in the 30s, –0.507 in the 50s, –0.424 in the 70s +; all p < 0.001). However, the interaction term between HRQoL and social networking activity yields unexpected findings. The interaction becomes positive and significant, with coefficients that increase steadily by age: 0.388 in the 40s, 0.472 in the 50s, 0.533 in the 60s, and 0.638 in the 70s + (all p < 0.001). Using stress (1 = high-level, 0 = low-level) as the outcome variable, with the same set of covariates, it replicates the findings similar to those obtained when PHQ-9 as the outcome variable. Conclusions: The results suggest that the protective role of HRQoL and social networking is not uniform across generations. In South Korea, relative deprivation and social comparison may intensify with age, amplifying the psychological burden despite higher quality of life or social participation. These findings highlight the need for mental health interventions and policy responses that account for generational differences in the social determinants of well-being.

Does decentralisation lead to higher citizens' satisfaction with the public services that local governments provide? Despite arguments that decentralisation improves public service delivery, studies have not successfully verified the effects of decentralisation on citizen evaluations of local government services. Given the importance of increased local empowerment in promoting desired public goods, we examine whether the hypothesised advantages of decentralisation on public service delivery still hold when applied to citizens' satisfaction with public services. Specifically, we explore both the direct and indirect impacts of decentralisation on citizens' satisfaction through the mediating impact of the local management capacity in Korea. Based on structural equation modelling, the results indicate that decentralisation has a direct negative impact on public service satisfaction, but its impact is not mediated by local management capacity. Due to Korean citizens' lower expectations regarding decentralisation, citizens' satisfaction is not improved even when local management capacity is increased via higher decentralisation.

The debate over possible bias in the use of deadly force has recently been exacerbated by highly publicized killings of African American males around the country. While much research has been conducted examining police behavior, little has been done to investigate the impact of race on police behavior. This article aims to answer this question: are white police officers more likely to use lethal force on minority suspects or people of a specific race? To answer this question, the authors construct a data set of all confirmed uses of lethal force by police officers in the United States in 2014 and 2015. They find that although minority suspects are disproportionately killed by police, white officers appear to be no more likely to use lethal force against minorities than nonwhite officers.

Many studies have suggested that stringent labor protections and higher labor costs can limit foreign direct investment (FDI) in host countries. This would imply that the decisions of foreign firms are sensitive to the degree of flexibility in the labor market in the U.S. The U.S. has a steady stream of immigration, which has preserved the stability of the labor supply for the U.S. market. This makes the U.S. a good test case for the relationship between immigration and FDI because it is not only the largest host for FDI but also has the largest immigrant population in the world in absolute terms and is experiencing a significant reduction in labor supply and an increase in the minimum cost of labor. Utilizing a time-series analysis of data from 1970 to 2016, this study suggests that expansive immigration policies directly increase FDI inflows in the U.S. and indirectly increase FDI inflows by lowering labor costs and securing a stable supply of labor.

While the International Relations literature has long debated whether or not economic sanctions are an effective foreign policy tool, it neglects to empirically examine the damage sanctions impose on target economies. This study presents two theoretical explanations about the impact of sanctions on target countries’ economies, and collects extensive empirical data to test such theoretical connections in three areas: international trade; foreign direct investment; and foreign portfolio investment. A cross-national, time-series data analysis of 133 countries during the period from 1970 to 2005 reveals that regardless of the number of senders, the type of sanctions or the level of anticipated costs to the target and the sender, economic coercion damages none of the economic conditions of the target. This finding suggests that if the objective is to maximize economic pain in the sanctioned country, a sanctioning country should think twice before choosing economic coercion as its primary non-military strategy.

While the International Relations literature has long debated whether or not economic sanctions are an effective foreign policy tool, it neglects t o empirically examine the damage sanctions impose on target economies. This study presents two theoretical explanations about the impact of sanctions on target countries economies, and collects extensive empirical data to test such theoretical connections in three areas: international trade; foreign direct investment; and foreign portfolio investment. A cross-national, time-series data analysis of 133 countries during the period from 1970 to 2005 reveals that regardless of the number of senders, the type of sanctions or the level of anticipated costs to the target and the sender, economic coercion damages none of the economic conditions of the target. This finding suggests that if the objective is t o maximize economic pain in the sanctioned country, a sanctioning country should think twice before choosing economic coercion as its primary non-military strategy.

This study attempts to explain in what conditions political parties in Korea reshaped their old candidate selection method (CSM) and adopted open primaries. This study shows that open primaries were adopted by compromise between major and minor factions due to their electoral or factional benefits. Second, it shows that it was the electoral utility of open primaries, rather than the demand for party democratization, that drove the adoption of the new CSM. Third, it shows that the presence of popular presidential candidates is considerable leverage of minor factions in the negotiation for the adoption of open primaries. Finally, it shows that the extremely limited empowerment of party members, as well as personalized party politics, facilitated the radical reform of CSMs in Korea.