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"Springborg, Robert"
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The rewards of failure: persisting military rule in Egypt
The Egyptian military, having been bogged down for almost five years in a losing war in Yemen, had to deal with a crushing defeat in June 1967. Similar defeats elsewhere, such as in Argentina and Greece, have led to militaries being removed from power. In Egypt, however, Nasser salvaged his and the military's rule by purging elements of the High Command, by repressing the nascent protest movement and by calling in the Soviets to rebuild and essentially command his armed forces. Half a century later, the military is even more firmly in control of Egypt. Having ridden out successive challenges to its authority, including Sadat's attempted civilianization, the global Third Wave of democracy, Mubarak's effort to establish a family dynasty, the uprising of 2011 and the Muslim Brothers' one-year interregnum, the Egyptian military's political persistence is virtually unmatched in the region or indeed, the world. After tracing the historical evolution of military rule from 1967, this article explores the structural bases for the persistence of its power before assessing the overwhelmingly negative consequences of this remarkably protracted military rule of what was once the leading Arab country.
Journal Article
Globalization and the politics of development in the Middle East
\"In a new edition of their book on the economic development of the Middle East and North Africa, Clement Henry and Robert Springborg reflect on what has happened to the region's economy since 2001. How have the various countries in the Middle East responded to the challenges of globalization and to the rise of political Islam, and what changes, for better or for worse, have occurred? Utilizing the country categories they applied in the previous book and further elaborating the significance of the structural power of capital and Islamic finance, they demonstrate how over the past decade the monarchies (as exemplified by Jordan, Morocco, and those of the Gulf Cooperation Council) and the conditional democracies (Israel, Turkey, and Lebanon) continue to do better than the military dictatorships or \"bullies\" (Egypt, Tunisia, and now Iran) and \"the bunker states\" (Algeria, Iraq, Libya, Sudan, Syria, and Yemen)\"-- Provided by publisher.
Book
Globalization and the Politics of Development in the Middle East
At the beginning of the twenty-first century countries in the Middle East and North Africa contend with the threats and opportunities of economic globalization, the driving force of change in the contemporary world. As the authors confirm in their straightforward and, at times, irreverent analysis of the regions' response to these challenges, it is globalization which is the key to an understanding of economic reform. Through an investigation of the structures of state and civil society, including financial systems, they also demonstrate that there is a direct correlation between economic performance and democratization. In other words, the more liberal the polity, the more effective is its economy in responding to globalization. With its interesting and incisive approach to the politics and economics of the Middle East and North Africa, this will be an essential purchase for students and policy-makers and anyone trying to come to grips with economic globalization generally.
eBook
MODERN HISTORY AND POLITICS-Armies and State-Building in the Modern Middle East: Politics, Nationalism and Military Reform
Key among the limitations are the \"need for more regular and larger fiscal sources for the new regiments\" which the states have historically been unable to meet (p. 18); conflicts between domestic winners and losers from the military modernization/state-building undertaking, with rulers at the center being resisted by peripheral, traditional notables; and endemic disagreements between national rulers seeking to build their personal power bases upon large conscript based militaries modernized with the assistance of foreigners, and the foreign providers of that military technical assistance, who typical prefer smaller, more professional militaries over which they may continue to exert influence.
Journal Article
Oil and democracy in Iraq
\"This is the first major study of the alternatives confronting Iraq as it seeks to rebuild its vital while simultaneously constructing a new political system. A key challenge facing the country is to allocate the revenues oil generates in a way that avoids economic and social instability. Reviewing the present status of the industry, the authors use comparative analysis to suggest how it might best be rebuilt.\"--Jacket.
Book
Oil and democracy in Iraq
\"This is the first major study of the alternatives confronting Iraq as it seeks to rebuild its vital while simultaneously constructing a new political system. A key challenge facing the country is to allocate the revenues oil generates in a way that avoids economic and social instability. Reviewing the present status of the industry, the authors use comparative analysis to suggest how it might best be rebuilt.\"--Jacket.
Book
Economic Involvements of Militaries
Middle East militaries can be arrayed along a continuum from more to less involvement in national economies, albeit with a few outliers. At the maximum engagement end are Egypt and Iran. In both countries, as in Pakistan, one can reasonably refer to the existence of a “Military, Inc.” The Egyptian Ministry of Defense and its subordinate Ministry of Military Production preside over a sprawling economic empire that directly owns companies active in the industrial, agricultural, construction, telecommunications, and service sectors. The Iranian Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps presides over a similar economic empire that has particularly strong positions in the oil field service, construction, port operation, and media and telecommunications sectors. Both countries also have what might be described as parallel “officer economies.” These have come into existence as a result of officers, many of them retired, capitalizing on their regime connections by gaining ownership of privatized state-owned enterprises or by forming companies that thrive on state contracts. These two military economies are subject neither to the effective oversight of legislative or nonmilitary executive authority nor to the scrutiny of civil society, including the media. Both provide essential patronage resources to ensure the loyalty of their officer corps. And in both countries, military preparedness and overall capacities suffer as a result of preoccupation with the management of and benefits from military economies.
Journal Article